Showing posts with label juanita. Show all posts
Showing posts with label juanita. Show all posts

Sunday, September 21, 2014

Johan Reinhard: Miguel Zárate es un mentiroso

Zárate y Reinhard reviven vieja disputa por la momia "Juanita"
Descongelan diferencias. Andinista Miguel Zárate apareció junto al alcalde de Caylloma, que quiere llevarse la momia a Cabanaconde, y dijo que él la descubrió. En tanto que el arqueólogo Johan Reinhard sostiene que la historia de Zárate está llena de mentiras y que él fue el jefe de la expedición. Dijo que hasta le compró zapatos para subir al Ampato.

Jorge Turpo y Carlos Herrera.
Arequipa.

El arqueólogo norteamericano, Johan Reinhard, hoy cumple 69 años de edad. Y como si se tratara de una broma pesada del destino, otra vez tiene que enfrentar los cuestionamientos del andinista Miguel Zárate sobre el verdadero descubrimiento de la "momia "Juanita"
Reinhard está en Arequipa. Hoy en la tarde parte a Virginia Oeste, en Estados Unidos, pero ayer, en víspera de su onomástico, soportó nuevamente la arremetida de Zárate, quien en conferencia de prensa junto al alcalde de Caylloma, Elmer Cáceres, dijo que él es el verdadero descubridor de "Juanita".
“En el acta de entrega de la momia a la Universidad Católica de Santa María (UCSM), queda claro que yo descubrí a "Juanita" y la entregamos en custodia a la universidad para su cuidado”, afirmó Zárate. Agregó que hubo diferentes testigos que lo vieron, junto a su padre, descubrir al cuerpo congelado de "Juanita" y otras momias que se encontraron en el Ampato. 
“Salgo a realizar esta denuncia, porque se está tratando de indicar que la momia es de la UCSM, pero no es así. "Juanita" es del pueblo de Caylloma”, sostuvo.
En este punto, Zárate no es preciso, ya que la semana pasada, el rector de la UCSM, Abel Tapia, dejó en claro que la momia le pertenece al Estado Peruano y que la universidad no se siente dueña de ese patrimonio, solo lo custodia.
Las declaraciones de Zárate son las mismas que las de hace más de diez años cuando lo entrevistó el periodista limeño Alejandro Guerrero. Ahora se dan en circunstancias en que el alcalde, Elmer Cáceres Llica, está promoviendo que la momia sea trasladada a un museo de sitio (que aún no está concluido y no tiene autorización del Ministerio de Cultura para concluirlo) en Cabanaconde.
Zárate ha revivido la disputa por el descubrimiento de "Juanita". 

LA RESPUESTA
Johan Reinhard se expresó así: "Todo lo que dice Miguel (Zárate) es mentira. Yo no puedo negar que él vio primero a la momia, pero yo fui el jefe de la expedición, la organicé con mi dinero, nadie me dio un sol, incluso hasta le compré zapatos a Miki (Zárate) para que subamos al Ampato por una ruta que yo escogí, él no fue mi guía, solo fue mi acompañante. Miguel no era el guía de la expedición ya que el no es guia profesional de montaña ni cuenta con las acreditaciones como tal comentó.
Antes de 1995, en que se halló a "Juanita", Reinhard ya había subido a varias montañas de América del Sur en busca de santuarios de altura. 
"Lo hice en Chile y cuando vine a Arequipa tenía la idea clara de lo que quería hacer. Hablé con Miguel (Zárate) porque lo conocía de años atrás y fuimos juntos, él fue un buen compañero. Me gustaría que diga la verdad, aquí no se trata de quién llegó primero, sino de quién hizo la expedición, yo le reconozco a él en todos mis artículos que he escrito para diferentes revistas como National Geographic", refirió.
El arqueólogo dejó en claro que él no tiene nada que ver con el traslado o no de la momia a Caylloma. "Esa decisión no me corresponde, eso lo debe decidir el gobierno, "Juanita" es patrimonio no solo de Arequipa y del Perú, sino de la humanidad", expresó.
Actualmente la momia, por un Decreto Supremo, permanece en custodia indefinida en el museo de Santuarios de Altura de la UCSM. Solo con otra norma de igual o mayor jerarquía se podría cambiar la custodia para dársela a la municipalidad de Caylloma.
Hasta el momento, Cáceres Llica, según información de la Dirección Regional de Cultura, no ha iniciado ningún trámite o pedido oficial para que se produzca ese cambio.
"He escuchado decir al alcalde de Caylloma que la UCSM me paga regalías por los ingresos que genera la momia, eso también es falso, la universidad jamás me ha dado un centavo ni un premio, no sé de dónde sacan esas cosas", comentó.
El arqueólogo se mostró contrariado por esta situación. Refirió que solo espera que la momia continúe bien conservada y se decida lo mejor para que permanezca inalterable en el tiempo. "Yo la veo idéntica a como la encontré, el que ha envejecido soy yo, ella continúa igual", dijo Reinhard, que hoy celebra su cumpleaños viajando a su país.
 "Siento algo de decepción de que 17 años después sigan con esos temas"
Me gustaría tener una conferencia frente a frente con Miguel (Zárate) para que me diga todo lo que anda contando. Yo solo quiero que se diga la verdad y tengo decenas, centenares de pruebas que corroboran mi versión", dijo Johan Reinhard. 
El arqueólogo no ocultó su malestar por este tema. "Siento algo de decepción de que 17 años después del descubrimiento de la momia sigan con esos temas".
También dijo: "A Miguel no sé qué le ocurre, yo siempre le he considerado. Cuando me reclamó por qué no le mencionaba, le dije: ¿Has leído el artículo que escribí en National Geographic?, allí te menciono 15 veces. Yo no gané un centavo por la expedición, yo gano por mis artículos y conferencias que él también podría hacerlas"
CLAVES
- La Dirección Regional de Cultura le niega el permiso a la municipalidad de Caylloma para concluir el museo de Cabanaconde, porque se ubica sobre restos arqueológicos.
- Johan Reinhard, en 1999, codirigió la expedición que descubrió a tres momias en perfecto estado de conservación en la cumbre del volcán Llullaillaco, en Salta-Argentina. Al igual que ocurrió con "Juanita", ese hallazgo fue considerado por la revista Time como uno de los 10 descubrimientos más importantes del mundo.
EN CIFRAS
75 mil visitantes recibe "Juanita" cada año. 
1.5 millones de soles genera en ingresos.

6,312 metros de altura tiene el nevado Ampato.

Saturday, January 14, 2012

The World of Pre-Columbian Women

By Tim Mc Guinness Phd


Rarely do Pre-Columbian studies or texts focus much attention or detail on the role of Women in Ancient America: their role in society; their labors; their place in family; their health; and the frequent abuses they suffered in Pre-Columbian Cultures. The purpose of this site, is not to be a comprehensive document on the subject, but rather to provide an introduction to the subject, and a guide to select writings and other websites, that can provide more in-depth focus.


For those new to the subject, Pre-Columbian America refers to the regions in the American continents, and the Isthmus between, before the influence of the Europeans (prior to 1500 CE/AD). It refers to the indigenous civilizations of the Americas, such as those of Mesoamerica, North America, and the Andes regions. The term "Pre-Columbian" can indicate the time from the arrival of humans on the American continent (before 14,000 BCE/BC) to approximately 1500 CE/AD. However, it is commonly used for the cultural periods from about 4000 BCE to Conquest.


This site will mainly focus on societies right before the arrival of the Europeans - Aztec, Mayan, Andean (Inka and others), and briefly North America. It will focus on women's role in the Maya and Aztec civilizations of Mesoamerica, the Inca culture from South America, and North American in general.


In these societies, like in any other society, women play important roles. From domestic activities to political power. They take care of their children, prepare food for the family, and weave textiles. However, women's roles differ from region to region, some having a position in the market and others maintaining essential position in religion and politics. However, in some cultures women held a role as object, trade good, slave, and subject of horrific ritual brutality.
Women's Role in the Mayan Civilization

In the contemporary Maya society of Zinacantan, Mexico, it is said that "man produces the raw materials, and women transforms them into objects of use and consumption." This complementary gender role is applicable to the gender role of the ancient Maya. Most of the roles women of ancient Maya society are inferred only from the elaborate burial and ceremonial sites of the Maya - from their glyphs, elaborate murals, steles, vases, and other burial offerings. Women in the Maya society, like any other civilization, had everyday roles in the care of the household, and their families. They raised animals within the household, prepared food for the family, and made clothing & textiles.

Daily village life for Mayan Women


Along with the roles in everyday activities, women played an important part in religion. As girls, they were trained and taught how to serve religious shrines, and participate in ritual practices of their religion. In addition, there is evidence that some elite women took part in politics.

WOMEN'S ROLE IN MAYA SOCIETY


In everyday life, in the household, women played an essential role. Firstly, they were mothers, raising children. Also, it was their role to prepare and cook food for the family. In fact, as Maya society depended on deer meat, it was typically the women's responsibility to manage the supply of deer. There is evidence that deer were domesticated by the Mayan household, raised by women for men to kill and butcher. Not only that, women wove textiles, which was important not only for domestic use, but as a trade good - an essential aspect in Maya society. It is not known whether all women wove textiles, but it appears that all textiles made were produced by women.


Craft and fiber evidence from the buried city of Ceren - buried by volcanic ash in 600 C.E.- show that women's textile work was not only a normal part of domestic life for specific household purposes, but had its position in the marketplace as well. Women in Maya society had a critical role in crafts, producing valuable commodities for outside consumption.


Also in Maya society, women seemed to have participated in both politics and religion. This is confirmed by the discovery in Guatemala of a 2 meter high limestone monument that depicts a woman of authority in that ancient Maya city. This portrait could be either a ruler or a mythical goddess. Archaeologists from La Trobe University in Australia state that, "This stele may date from the late 4th century AD, making it as much as 200 years older than previously discovered monuments depicting powerful Mayan women.


We have images of queens, who ruled singly and with their husbands and sons, depicted on stelae later in Maya history beginning in the early 6th century AD. But this stele is completely unique in style and likely dates to the 4th century AD. It's unique in that it shows a woman in a really early period in Maya history, a period when the city states were being founded and dynasties were being instituted." This shows that women played important roles in the phase when the Maya states were being established.


While there are few actual writings on the subject, it is clear that slavery was practiced. Slaves were gathered, as was as captured as a result of conquest. What is not well known is the role and treatment of female slaves. If they were treated similarly to male captives, then that treatment would have been far from ideal. However, it was likely that female slaves were used in large part as domestic servants, as was done in more modern times.


Women's Role in the Aztec Civilization

The Aztec society was a patriarchy, a male dominated society, ruled by kings and noble loads. Thus, women in this society were considered subordinate of men, possibly even property. As a result, women had little chance to take part in government and religious activities. However, in daily life, people had clear division of roles between men and women. While men worked in the fields and fought in wars or took the job of his father and became tradesmen, women stayed at home and put their efforts into domestic duties like childbearing, weaving, and cooking.


Women were educated for these activities from young ages. Aztec girls were taught at home the skills necessary for marriage; they began spinning at four and cooking at twelve. However, housework was not the only role of the women. Aztec women not only helped in weaving textiles and taking care of the home, but also included themselves in the work force, working as merchants, traders, scribes, courtesans, healers, and midwives.

WOMEN'S ROLE IN AZTEC SOCIETY


Women in the Aztec society played an essential role in maintaining the household. They learned the skills to be a good housekeeper; acquiring abilities concerning childbearing, weaving and cooking. However, they also had a place apart from the everyday house work. For instance, they could be merchants aids that organized and administered expeditions for trade (it is not known whether they could themselves go on the trade expeditions). Also, common women of this society were also offered opportunities in trade goods: they could sell what they made in the marketplace and gain some wealth for their families as a result.


They provided raw and prepared food, cloth, and other items in the market. It is said that women in the Aztec society even held places as official arbiters to resolve disputes that arose in the marketplace. In addition, women became skilled healers and diviners. Documents from the time of the Conquest indicate that the women healers were more highly skilled than contemporary Spanish doctors.



In general, Aztec marriages were monogamous, however, there is ample evidence that marriages of multiple wives occurred as well (see below). However, the Aztec culture did not place the same value on individuals as our modern culture, and in many cases (it appears) women (wives and daughters) were offered to visiting guests, as well as for sacrifice. The worst of the voluntary offerings of women for sacrifice was the ritual of Xipe Totec - where a young girl or woman would be offered by her family to the Aztec priests - raped by the Aztec priests, then skinned alive - after which the priest would wear the woman's skin in a ritual of transformation.

DOÑA MARINA (MALINCHE)


Dona Marina was originally a woman of the Aztec Nahuat culture, encountered by Cortez. She may have been a servant, slave, or outcast in some way, liberated by Cortez. As his companion, she became a Catholic, and played an active and powerful role in the Spanish conquest of Mexico, as an interpreter and an advisor.


Most of what is reported about her early life comes through the reports of Cortez's' "official" biographer, Francisco Lopez de Gomara, which seems far too romantic to be entirely credible, but there is no evidence to the contrary. Although she was not a literate "Pre-Columbian" woman (as most women appeared not to be), by exploring at the role of Dona Marina, one can get an idea of the role of women in Pre-Columbian America at that time.


Malinche was born into a noble family. However, when Marina's father died, her mother gave her away or sold her into slavery. Marina traveled in captivity from her native Nahuatl-speaking region to the Maya-speaking areas of Yucatan, where she learned the different Maya languages. When Hernan Cortes came to this region, the local people offered he and his men hospitality, food, clothing, gold, and slaves, including 20 women.


Marina was one of these women slaves. Cortez noticed her difference, and with her intelligence, and ability to interpret with great efficiency, she earned Cortes' confidence, became his secretary, and then his mistress, eventually bearing him a son. She facilitated communication between Cortes and various Mesoamerican leaders, often actively encouraging negotiations instead bloodshed. Marina was the principal player in building a coalition of city-states that eventually lead to the fall of Tenochtitlan. It is no understatement to believe that without her, Cortez could not have conquered the Aztecs.


Dona Marina had an important role as an interpreter, secretary, mistress, and mother of the first "modern Mexican." However, she was far from a typical woman of her time. Empowered by Cortez, she demonstrated her worth and ability in a way few or no other contemporary woman could have.


WOMEN'S LIVES IN AZTEC CULTURE


Originally, women wove and worked only for their families, but as chiefdoms and small kingdoms developed, the local rulers began to demand tribute (taxes), largely demanded in the form of cloth, which was manufactured almost exclusively by women. Then, as the Aztec culture and empire spread, people were forced to pay more and more in tribute to the Aztec leaders, which could be paid in labor or military service by men and in cloth and other goods by women.


The women's cloth was typically made from agave fibers and was in high demand as commoners were allowed nothing else to wear. As the politics of Aztec culture became more complex, the demand for tribute increased, and men began taking additional wives so that more cloth could be produced by more hands.


Documentation suggests that this led to strained and poor relationships within the family compound. Female slavery also increases as a result.



The Aztecs waged war for gain, as they needed sacrificial victims, tribute, and slaves. Women slaves performed household tasks, especially weaving, freeing the Aztec women for other tasks. Female slaves were also used as concubines and mothered children who also became slaves.


Eventually the demand for cloth tribute became so high that men also began to spin--the most female-identified task in ancient Mexico. Women and men continued to make cloth until the colonial period when the Spanish built textile mills, forcing the men and not the women, because of the Spanish gender roles, to work in cloth production.


Studies of artifacts of weaving and cooking in and near the Aztec capital and has lead to the conclusion that women adapted their weaving as the demand for more and more tribute increased; they changed spindle size and shapes and changed what and how they cooked in order to feed their families, who were in need of increasingly portable food, as they might labor away from home.


WOMEN IN THE AZTEC WORKFORCE


Apart from domestic roles, women in the Aztec empire could be merchants, and trades people in the marketplace.


Women also worked as prostitutes and courtesans, but they do not seem to have been social outcasts as a result. It has been shown that the Florentine Codex, it depicts the prostitutes negatively, from the perspective of the European mindset. In fact, the Aztec courtesans served young noble warriors and danced with them at ritual celebrations, suggesting that they had an elevated status in their own society.


The Europeans criticized these women for bathing, painting their faces, and wearing brightly colored clothing, signs of a fallen European woman, rather than as behavior executed by all the Aztec women, whether prostitute or not.


Aztec women might also be healers or midwives. Although the Spanish tried to quell the religious parts of the midwives' practices, believing it at best distracted from the one true Christian God and at worst that it was witchcraft, they were still impressed by the midwives' skill.


Documents from the Spanish accounts indicate that the women healers were more highly skilled than European doctors; however, as most accounts are written by elite Spanish men, they gloss over or do not describe at all the techniques that the women used. Thus, much of the cultural knowledge of these women was lost, especially as the Spanish began to repress the religion of the Aztecs and prosecute and persecute women healers as witches.


Aztec medicines, made from native plants, are documented to have been able to bring on menstruation or to hasten labor. Aztec women may also have pioneered in prenatal care, as records indicate they began ministering to pregnant women in their seventh month.


There is even evidence that at least one Aztec woman, likely a daughter of a noble family, was a scribe for an emperor. It is likely, too, that the noble Aztec women would have needed scribes and would have thus used females to act as their secretaries and bookkeepers.


Women's Role in the Andean Inca Civilization

Women's roles in the Inca Culture differed from that of both European women and those in the Aztec culture at the time, in that those women existed for the benefit of men. In Inca society, women had much different roles from men, but these roles were considered as complementary to those of men and a necessary part of the society. In fact, women played an essential role in the Inca society. Their primary role, as always, was to raise and take care of children, take charge of household duties, including: cooking, weaving cloth, working in the fields, and spinning. But they also worked right beside men in other activities for which they were suited, from agriculture to public works.


Before the conquest, the Inca household was an autonomous socio-economic unit, indicating that there was much freedom for the individual family, including women. An example is the evidence of skeletal analysis of this period, which shows that women in this period consumed food in similar quality and quantity as men. This can be interpreted as women having equal participation in community and domestic life. In addition, women in the Inca civilization played a large role in religion, controlling the cults of the goddesses (unlike Aztec culture where men controlled religion). However, after the conquest, women's social position was lower than that of men's (typical of Spanish culture of the time), and began to exclude women from its rituals and government.

WOMEN'S ROLE IN THE INCA SOCIETY


Women in Inca society were not required to work for government public works projects, or perform "mit'a", which was a requirement for every man in the society. However, this does not mean that women did not play a role in working for the government or on such projects. In fact, women were to weave one piece of clothing every year to put in the government storehouses (this was not so much a tax, and a community contribution for the community benefit - these storehouses were public resources for the benefit of all). Also, in some cases, they followed their husband on his mit'a, where they cooked, carried heavy burdens, and helped him with many of his tasks as possible.


In everyday life, a women's main role included taking care of the children, cooking, housekeeping, and weaving cloth. But along with these tasks, women participated in the filed work together with men, especially during the sowing and the harvesting season. When the men plowing punched holes into which women sows (plants) corn seeds - in fact, this was a normal ritual, believing that women (the life bringer) ensured a successful crop. During the harvest, women performed heavy labor alongside their men - carrying bundles of stalks, cut by men, to be stacked to dry. Furthermore, women produced flour by grinding corn and sweet potatoes, and wove cloth by spinning and weaving cotton or wool.

THE INCA CHOSEN WOMEN


Chosen Women in the Inca society, otherwise called Acllacunas, were identified as the Virgin of the Sun, and had important economic and cultural roles. They formed a special class in the society and lived in temple convents under a vow of chastity. They lived apart from their families and communities, and their duties included the preparation of ritual food, the maintenance of a sacred fire, and the weaving of garments for the emperor and for ritual use.


The Inca's officials selected girls of 10-years of age with great talent and physical beauty to become Acllacunas. Once selected, they were kept in their temples, not allowed to leave for six or seven years. During these years, these girls received formal education from "Mamaconas", who were chosen women themselves. The girls learned not only to weave and skillfully make clothing worn by the nobles, as well as the robes and elaborate hangings used on state occasions. They were also taught the preparation of special foods and "chicha" (a beverage used in religious ceremonials).


When these girls completed their training, and reached 16 years of age, they were divided in to classes based on their degree of beauty and served the state in different ways. The most beautiful and highly born became concubines of the Inca Emperor. Some of the girls that most matched the Inca ideal of perfection were selected to be sacrificed in honor of the sun. While others were interned for life in one of the convents, where they acted as temple attendants and became Mamaconas themselves in time. Others became wives of nobles or military commanders.


However, majority of Chosen Women served as weavers and food producers in Inca provincial centers, as they were taught to do. They provided the textiles of llama and alpaca cloth, which was an essential part of Inca life. Because the Incas used these textiles as payment to the army, or as gifts for nobles and local leaders in conquered areas, Chosen Women's produce were crucial. Additionally, the Chosen Women also contributed food and chichi for citizens performing mit'a.


The level of social status for the Chosen women was generally great, and they enjoyed many advantages in their society. They did not to perform hard labor, even though voluntary for women, in the fields, and enjoyed a lifetime supply of food and clothing, with whole estates dedicated to their needs.


However, they were denied the support and contact of their families as well as the opportunity to participate in daily social life. Those who married could not select their spouse and those who did not marry lived secluded from the rest of society, in a state of perpetual chastity. The Incas posted guards at these most important separate compounds, and did not permit entry to outsiders. The Inca state guarded and trained the Chosen Women because they played an essential part in maintaining the cohesiveness of the society.
Women were an integral part of every aspect of society during the Inca reign. Their role in that society was very different from that of women in most European societies at that time, and because of this, much of the evidence regarding the role Incan women played is distorted by the views and prejudices of the Spanish conquering men who wrote about the Inca Empire, or Tahuantinsuyu (Four Kingdoms).


However it is possible to reconstruct the world of women in Incan society because of the large variety of sources about the Incas written by Spanish chroniclers during or immediately after the conquest. It appears women in Incan society had a distinctly separate role from men, and that this role was viewed as complementary to the role of men and a necessary component of their society.



This was true in all facets of Incan life including religion, politics, family, and economics. It also appears that women in Incan society had more autonomy and power than most of their Spanish & Pre-Columbian counterparts. Because of this the Spaniards had a hard time relating Incan society accurately in their chronicles. The Spanish didn’t understand one of the most important aspects of Incan society, their true gender roles.


Women had a dual or complementary role in Incan society because of their religion. The Incas, like many of their Andean predecessors, viewed the cosmos in a way that emphasized what they saw as the duality of nature. The Incan people believed that the god Viracocha was the creator of all things.


Viracocha was hermaphroditic in nature, being first male and then female. Stemming from Viracocha were the Sun, or the male, and the Moon, the female. These two were siblings as well as spouses and gave life to the other gods and goddesses as well as to man and woman. From the Sun extended Venus Morning, Lord Earth, and Man. From the Moon extended Venus Evening, Mother Sea, and Woman. Venus Morning was equated with the Sapa Inca himself (the ruler of Tahuantinsuyu), Lord Earth symbolized the male nobility and headmen, and Man symbolized the male commoners.


A parallel chain of authority for women stemmed from the Moon goddess. Venus Evening was the Coya, or queen of the Inca, Mother Sea was the female Incan nobility, and Woman the female commoners. Stemming from each of these chains were also parallel kinship chains of men and women, in which some men and some women (with the Sapa Inca and Coya coming first) had authority over other men and women, and so on.


Because of this dual role within the cosmos and the parallel chains of authority, men controlled the cults to the male gods and women controlled the cults of the goddesses. The Coya, who was believed to be the daughter of the Moon, headed the cult of the Moon. The Sapa Inca headed the cult of the Sun, and was believed to be his son. Women priestesses stemmed down from the Coya in the same way that male priests extended from the Sapa Inca. Women priestesses wielded power as the heads of these cults.


This is because the goddesses of Incan cosmology controlled earthly fertility and human procreation, both of which were integral to Incan agricultural society. Women also had their own royal ancestral cults. Coyas were mummified just like the male Incan rulers and were worshipped, and attended in the same way, meaning they were also treated as though still alive and they retained their estates even in death. (Similar to the way Egyptian kings were honored in death.)


The duality of Incan religion was so complete that even the temples of the Incan goddesses paralleled those of the Incan gods. Statues, as well as the mummies of Incan Coyas, were made of the Incan queens and placed in the temple of the Moon in the same way that mummies of male Incan rulers were placed in the temple of the Sun.


The Moon Temple was decorated in a fashion similar to that of the Sun Temple. It was paneled entirely in silver, as opposed to the Temple of the Sun which was covered with gold. It contained a likeness of the Moon with a woman’s face, while the Temple of the Sun contained a likeness of the Sun with a man’s face. It was served exclusively by female priestesses, or mamaconas, who were chosen either because they had unusual births or who were selected from the acllas, which were religious and secular institutions and education centers. Mamaconas also had their own houses of residence where they prepared garments for the Sapa Inca and idols, made food and drink for religious festivals, and were waited on by other high ranking girls of Incan society.



Unlike other Pre-Columbian cultures, Chosen Women had schools in Cuzco like those of the men where non-Cuzcan girls were sent to learn the trades of womanhood, and Incan lore, as well as the appropriate skills and tasks of government service. These schools were called acllawasi, or house of the chosen women.


Spanish chroniclers thought of these institutions as an Incan version of a nunnery. Acllawasi were an exclusively female institution in Incan society. Once a year an Incan agent inspected villages of the empire to choose the girls who would be sent to the acllawasi or who would become immediate human sacrifices.


The girls chosen for the latter duty were part of crucial state rituals and ensured the power of their fathers, most of whom were headmen, because with the sacrifice of his daughter the father gained the right to pass his title down to his son as well as the special favor of the Sapa Inca. Most of the girls selected for immediate sacrifice or to become acllas were ten to fourteen years of age (similar to the Aztec Xipe Totec ritual).


The virginity of these girls was closely guarded in the acllawasi until their future was decided by the empire’s ruling elite. If one of the girls were found to have lost her virginity, “she would be given the death penalty, and it would be carried out by burying the girl alive or by some equally cruel death”. If they were to become an aclla, which was a strictly secular occupation, they were separated from their communities of origin and housed in acllawasi in the capital of each province. By doing this, the aclla women were turned into full subjects of Cuzco because they were no longer thought of as members of their original communities.


Once in an acllawasi the girls were taught women’s tasks such as spinning, weaving, and chicha making. The cloth made in these institutions was highly valued because of its bright colors and fine weave. The chicha produced was also highly sought after because it was said to be some of the best in Tahuantinsuyu. The girls were also thoroughly indoctrinated into Incan ideology so that when sent to their various destinies, would serve the interests of the Inca whether consciously or unconsciously.


The acllas were organized hierarchically, with the basis for this organization being physical perfection, as the Incas visualized it, and the rank of the girl’s family of origin. Thus there were several different types of acllas who would serve the Inca realm within their various destinies.


It was based on this system that prestigious girls were chosen to be chaste priestesses of the solar or imperial cults. These priestesses, the virginal wives of the Sun, called mamaconas, served in a religious capacity as well as educating newly arrived girls. The mamacona women were wed to the various gods they were to serve in solemn ceremonies and afterward were considered to be wives of those gods (similar to Catholic Nuns).


Occasionally the Sapa Inca would visit one of these institutions to indulge himself with the women. The guards, who were old men, would then confront the Sapa Inca who would confess that he had sinned and the matter would be at rest. These women were generally considered to be saints by the rest of the populace and wielded much power because of their proximity to Incan gods.


Despite this, some of these women had more importance than others within the various cults, especially in the cult to the Moon, the wife of the Sun. One woman, who was often one of the Sapa Inca’s sisters, headed that cult. She governed it in all matters whether religious, economical or other. Thus women had much influence over religious and other matters.


The rest of the girls selected each year were to perform other roles. Another role that the prestigious girls could be chosen for was to be secondary wives of the Sapa Inca. The lower ranking girls served less prestigious gods or goddesses. Some of the lower ranking girls were also given as rewards to men who had pleased the Sapa Inca. It was through the aclla system that the men of the empire were linked to the Sapa Inca by loyalty.


This was because the men would serve the interests of the Sapa Inca if their daughters were taken to an aclla, since it was an honor, or if they were given women as gifts, which was also an honor. In this way, women were a powerful tool for the Incan state.


The Inca Queen, and through her, women, had her own religious celebrations also. For one month out of every year, the entire empire deferred to the Incan queen and to the Moon goddess, or "Coya raymi". This was meant to symbolize the new agricultural cycle and the beginning of the rainy season. It was during this time that any and all female concerns within the realm were given voice, and Men were subordinated during this period.


The Coya was also an important political figure in Incan culture. The selection of an Incan Coya was very similar to that of the selection of the Sapa Inca himself. A potential queen had to show that she was capable of leadership and responsibility before marrying the Sapa Inca, to whom she was usually related.


If the candidate failed to do this, she was removed from consideration. Also, if a woman proved unfit to rule after she became queen, she could be removed from her position (usually by death). An example of this circumstance was the first Coya of Capac Yupanqui. Some time after their marriage she went insane, so Capac asked the Sun god for permission to marry, as his primary wife, another woman who would be capable of performing the duties of the queen. Once made Coya, the queen also received her own estates and her own palace, which was almost as large and sumptuous and the Sapa Inca’s.


The political power of women flowed down from the Coya in a chain parallel to the one extending from the Sapa Inca. It began with the Sapa Inca and Coya at the top, moved to the nobility of Cuzco, to the non-Incan Cuzco nobility, to several ranks of provincial nobility, to local ethnic leaders, and finally ending with any commoners who possessed positions of authority in an "ayllu", or community unit (village).


Moreover both women and men, according to Guaman Poma, were entitled to varying degrees of services, herds, and estates based on their ranking within this system with the Sapa Inca and the Coya at the top. This illustrates the link between the political power of women, and the Coya, to economic power.


However Coyas had power over all subjects at times. Queens ruled in the absence of the Sapa Inca. If the Sapa Inca went off to war, the queen served in his stead in every way. Another important aspect of the queen’s role related to the Inca’s privy council, which was composed of men from the four principal capitals of the Incan state. If the council could not come to agreement on an issue, it was turned over to the queen. After she made a decision it was final, and accepted by the Sapa Inca as such. Thus the Coyas could and did make important governmental decisions, which would have had very far reaching effects.


Three Coyas were known to be especially powerful in the history of the Incan people. These were Mama Huaco, Mama Ocllo, and Mama Anahuarque. All of these women wielded significant power as well as advising their sons and husbands about government. This is especially interesting in light of the fact that these women were married to three of the most prominent kings (Incas) in Incan social history, Manco Capac, Topa Inca, and Pachacuti.


From these examples it is evident that the Coya of the Incas had more power than most of her European equivalents, who were, in most cases, merely a means for a king to produce an heir.
However the majority of the Incan queen’s authority centered on other women.


All women paid obeisance to the queen in the same way that men paid obeisance to the Sapa Inca, even kissing her hand in the same way that men kissed the king's. During festivals the queen of the Incas would give and receive reciprocity from provincial leaders and lower-ranking members of the Cuzco nobility.


She was expected to be very generous on such occasions, and these reciprocity ties were completely separate from those of the Sapa Inca. She “was able to bind others into a web of obligation through which power relations were articulated.” Therefore the Coya had her own power base in the Incan realm based on these ties in the same way that the Sapa Inca himself.


The Coya also had authority over women’s marriage rights. It was her responsibility to marry the female subjects of the empire to the male subjects. She had two hundred ladies in waiting whom she often married to men who either the Sapa Inca or herself wanted to reward or tie to their dynasty. The Coya was also responsible for seeing to the education of the young Cuzcan female nobility and the daughters of local leaders. This helped cement the bonds between the Coya and the varying ranks of Incan nobility as well as the women of the provinces, who by state design, would be Incan educated.


As illustrated by the importance of marriage to the queen’s power, marriage ceremonies and the relationships themselves were extremely important to the foundation of the Incan state. When an Incan couple married, certain ceremonies had to be observed, including asking the permission of the Sapa Inca’s agent.


These marriage rites, whether performed for a rich, noble couple or for a poor, peasant couple, “celebrated the formation of a new unity made up of equals.” The rites were accompanied with gift giving, which was supposed to be done on an equal basis to show that one partner was not above the other or that the kinship group of one was not above the kinship group of the other partner. Typically these gifts consisted of clothing, with the amount being determined by the couple’s wealth.



Within their marriage, an Incan couple would view their contributions to the relationship and the household as complementary but equal, which is what the ceremonial gifts illustrated. Andean culture already determined for a newly married couple what types of duties were appropriate for the man and the woman. “But in any case, the division of labor was never so strict as to prohibit one sex from doing the other’s task if the need arose.


Andean gender ideologies recognized that women’s work and men’s work complemented each other.” The indigenous peoples knew that in order for their culture to survive the work done by both sexes was essential, as was the interplay of that work between the two. Thus the contributions of women, from the Coya to the lowest peasant were recognized as essential to the survival of the society.


One of the duties of common women in Incan society was to weave. As already stated, this was an important task for women to learn when in the acllas.


However it was important outside of those institutions as well. A common adult woman was almost always spinning whether she was watching her children or talking with her husband or neighbors, or even while walking. It was the obligation of a woman to make sure that her entire family was clothed and this required a lot of work, especially once there were children to make clothing for. However this was not the sole duty of an Andean woman.


She was also entrusted with chicha making, cooking, helping her husband prepare fields for farming, planting seed, harvesting, weeding, hoeing, herding and carrying water. While in many societies these were the duties of women, in Incan society, unlike others, these tasks were not considered to be simply domestic tasks for the husband’s benefit only. The contributions of women were recognized by Incas for what they were, essential labor for the continuance of the household, community, and finally for the state.


Another area, other than goddess cults, in which Incan women had undisputed authority, was that of child rearing. Women were expected to take exclusive care of children in Incan families. A woman was also responsible for doing her share of the complementary work to that of her husband up until giving birth to the child and was expected to resume that work soon afterward. Children were considered to be the source of wealth for any Incan family and therefore were the primary responsibility of most women in Incan society. This ensured the future of that society.


Clearly, Incan Women had their own power networks in Incan society in politics and religion. They had their own cults, which they headed and which were worshipped by all members of society. The Coya had her own system of reciprocity, estates, and cult after her death. She had authority over marriage rights. Acllas, which were composed entirely of women, were important institutions in the Incan realm because they reinforced the loyalty of the subjects to the state. Mamaconas were important female power tools because they dictated religious observances and educated future acllas and mamaconas. Common women were responsible for some of the most important aspects of Incan life and survival, including weaving, agriculture, and child rearing.


Women's role in Pre-Columbian North America


Native American women in North America traditionally belonged to a culture that gave them respect and where they had power, autonomy and equality. North American Pre-Columbian societies were not so based on a hierarchical system and there were fewer divisions between men and women.


The work of the two genders often differed, but there was no value of one over the other. These women were respected and valued for their contribution to the survival of their families and communities. Their knowledge of plants, their ability to cure and preserve food, and their counsel in political matters was greatly valued.


Pre-Columbian North America women in general, had an important role in the society, as they were givers of life and gave birth to their culture's children, educated the children, and provided a substantial portion of the food for the family. Also, there were some matrilineal societies in Ancient North America, such as the Iroquois, where women provided leadership as well. In such societies, women held positions in societal governmental, civil, and religious offices.

The common duties of North American women were cleaning and maintaining the living quarters, nursing children, gathering plants for food, grinding corn / grain, extracting oil from acorns and nuts, cooking, sewing, packing and unpacking camps in the case of the nomadic peoples. They were also responsible for producing certain crafts such as: brewing dyes, making pottery, and woven items (cloth, baskets, and mats). They also made, or substantially aided in the making of the shelters that were their homes - either by making the Teepees, weaving the materials for stick or grass houses, or other shelters. They were also frequently the healers of their cultures.


In some areas, women were influential in tribal councils and cast the deciding vote for war or peace. For instance, in the Cherokee society, women were considered equal to men and women could become "Beloved Women", who spoke and voted in their society's General Council. Leading the Woman's Council, they prepared and served the ceremonial Black Drink; served the duty of ambassador of peace negotiations, and could save the life of a prisoner already condemned to execution. Likewise, the Cheyenne women had an important role in the deciding to wage war or not.

POCAHONTAS


One of North America's iconic native women was Pocahontas, a Native American woman that lived in the late 16th, and early 17th century, who married an Englishmen, John Rolfe, and became a celebrity in London in the last years of her life. She was the daughter of Powhatan, who ruled a large area in present-day Virginia.


Because of the modern Disney animated fantasy movie, Pocahontas (1995 film), the revisionist view of Pocahontas is as a peacemaking hero that stopped war between the Native Americans and the Europeans, and a powerful women that had a great role in her society. However, this image of Pocahontas is largely fabrication from the movies and John Smith's writings.


It is true that she was a daughter of Powhatan, a chief, but it is not certain if she held any high social rank. While women could inherit power in Powhatan society, Pocahontas could not have done so, because the inheritance of power was matrilineal, and Pocahontas' mother was of lower class. Pocahontas correctly shows that women in some North American societies could have political roles, but at the same time shows that there were restrictions as well.


The Pre-Columbian Woman's World


Women's common roles in all the societies within Pre-Columbian America included housekeeping, raising children, preparing food for the family, and weaving textiles. In addition to these duties, depending on the region, some women participated in political, economic and religious activities. Some of the North American cultures were matrilineal, where women often had power in politics. Also, in societies such as Maya and Aztec, women participated in the market by manufacturing cloth. Women's role in Inca was somewhat different from that of other societies, for women in Inca society had a duty and real power.


What is significant is that women in Pre-Columbian America had comparatively important roles in their society compared to other regions of the same period, such as China, Japan, Korea, and Europe. They had distinctly separate roles from men, but rather than being viewed as inferior to men (at least in the Inca culture), their roles were considered as complementary to the role of men and a necessary component of their society.

Tuesday, December 20, 2011

The Wisdom of the Mallku Jaqe (Condor Man)



by the Colca Specialist


One day I had the oportunity of traveling with Guillermo Rendón which is not just a very famous mountainbiker but a well-known keeper of the old inca traditions. Grandson of a Qoqakawaq (One who sees through the Sacred Coca Leaves) Guillermo has inherited a vast knowledge about the inca traditions and ceremonials.Knowledge that put into practice turned him into one of the most famous sportsmen of the country.


Andean cosmovision according to him is a "way of life" not a trend,not a show, not a way to make money but a way to live life consciously in this world,a knowledge that is not provided in the schools.Neither in the universities.The knowledge they provide is just to make money but not to live life- Says Guillermo.


There are many people nowadays that speak a lot about the inca spirituality but they are far from the Truth. Those "teachers" or "Spiritual guides"are specialized just in the art of speaking and cheating people.


They repeat truths of others that never were put into practice. When you do that you become a liar- says Guillermo. The Condor is the master of Silence. Facts are more important than words. That is one of the most important teachings of this sacred totem.

Inca spirituality has become a trend specially in tourism. Tour guides from all Peru specially from Arequipa, Cusco and Puno have given themselves exagerated titles such as inca grandmasters among other titles that never existed in our tradition before. These titles are used skillfully by these fake inca masters in order to impress foreign girls to have sex, money and pleasure.You find them specially in discoteques or travel agencies.


They are not just the only ones because there are many spiritual inca masters from other countries specialized in the art of making money organizing trips to the spiritual sacred places and exploiting the locals too.With the money obtained from donations for the poor children, they built expensive hotels while the communas they work with are starving. That is the crude reality of this fake incas show.


Guillermo´s words are direct and sharp as knives but they were very clear. So the following article is a compilation of his words. I hope you like this article much. I really enjoyed transcribing this article which I know it is going to be very useful for all the spiritual seekers interested in the wisdom of the Incas.


The Colca Specialist

Everything is interconected,interrelationed and interdependant

The proposal and the practice of the Good Living come from the Andean cosmovision and they offer benefits to all Mankind.


We are going to share here our pacha (land),our time and space and all the knowledge from these torrent of waters and from the knowledge torrents of our grandmothers and grandparents.The wisdom of our grandparents is not only rational, it has the force provided by the experience,the clarity of the mind and the heart.

Modernity,development,humanism,anthropocentrism, the deterioration of our life and our life ways have taken all of us to new conditions of life. Now, more than ever stands up vigorously the voice of the ancient inca wisdom.We have to go towards something, towards anywhere. In Aymara we say Taki, the sacred way. Undoubtessly there appears the Allin Kawsay (quechua) or the Sumaq Qamaña (Aymara), The Good Living (english). That horizon allow us to reconstruct our force, our vitality, to know who we are, to know how do we live,to know which forces and who are coming with us.

Armony and Balance

To live good make us to reflection that we should live in armony and in balance. In balance with Mother Earth. Pachamama is not a planet, it is not the environment, it is our Mother Earth. To live in balance means to live in order with the cosmos, because the cosmos has cycles, rythms, living in armony with history means that we are in the Pachakuti or the reordering period, a period of the revitalization of the natural forces affected by the anti-natural occidental behavior Living good means to live in armony with all life cycles, to know that everything is interconnected, interrelationed and that everything is interdependent. Living good is to know that the deterioration of a species is the deterioration of the whole .The thoughts and the wisdom of our grandparents give us the clarity to see where our ways are taking us now. This Living Good wisdom doesn´t look for just the reconstruction of the political, social, economical powers but the reconstruction of life and the re- encountering with ourselves.

We are all Pachamama

We are Pachamama. We are children of the Mother Earth, we are children of the cosmos,by the way there is no dicotomy human-nature, we are nature, we are Pachamama, we are pachacamac, we are life.
By the way we are responsable too as farmers or breeders of Life. In this new conditions, to reconstruct our identity means to come back to basic conventional principles, not human but natural. We have to take the nature´s ways. It is necessary to recover our wisdom, to come back to our ancestors, to retake the sacred way again. It doesn´t mean to comeback but to reconstruct us in the principles and values that have no time, no space.

To live in balance with who? With all the forms of existence. Everything is alive we say in Aymara and in Quechua. The mountains, the rivers, the insects, the trees, the rocks, everything is alive and those elements are part of the perfect balance of life. In order top reconstruct the Living Good we have to live in balance with all forms of existence and not just with the elements we see but with those we cannot see too like our ancestors and grandparents because they are with us too.

Naturalization process

It means to come out from the monocultural and uninational , to come out from the mental monocultivation. The same way monocultivation has deteriorated the vitality and the fertility of Mother Earth, we should come out from the mental monocultivation that has damaged our natural capacity that each one of us has. We are coming out in the shape of plurinational states and leaving behind the colonial and the republican states that have sunken us in an individualist humanist way of living.

When we speak about the Living Good Way we are speaking about a naturalization process and not just about humanization, because in Occident Humanization means that the Human Being is the Ruler of Nature and Creation, and all the living beings are seen as objects.
Living Good means to enter in that process of naturalization, it means to come back to our nature knowing that evrytjing is alive,interconnected and that everything is interindependant.

It means also to leave the occidental premise which considers that winning is all and that provokes and disloyal and dishonest competition between Human Beings and not only with other human beings but with all types of existence. Living Good means to understand that if one wins or loses, we all have won or we all have lost. Living Good means to check the horizon we are taking and to realize that the human life is not the only parameter ,rationalism is not the only way of understanding life. In aymara we say without losing our head let´s walk the sacred way of the heart. Opening ourselves to life means that life has the tools to reconstruct life itself.We have to have faith in life. We have to trust that in Life´s natural ways are the solution to our deteriorated way of living.

Reconstructing our Identity

The humanist, individualist,clasist,equalizer and predator is the one we are speaking about. It has its origins in a specific cosmovision that is machist, individualist and man-centered.In order to reconstruct the culture of Life in the Horizon of the Living Good we have to reconstruct our original cosmovision and that measn to recover our lost identity. It means to make ourselves the fundamental questions: who are we? What kind of heart do we really have? Who were our ancestors and which force they used to walk? This is the time of the Pachacuti or the Reordering Period we spoke about before.
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There is a difference between The living Good and The Well living. The second option the Well Living means to win the others all the time, to live like a parasite on expenses of the others, to accumulate all the time without restrictions and to have power to control and rule over the others.

The Living Good is just the opposite. It means to recover the balance and the equilibrium, it is the sacred armony of life.If we walk the way of the Living Good our lives will have a meaning, a direction, Our lifes in that moment become sacred and our lives turn into blessings. All the living elements live in Ayni or reciprocity.Ayni or reciprocity is the consciousness of life, is the conscioussnesss that everything is interrelated and nobody lives for itself. The tree doesn´t live for itself neither the bees, the ants or the mountains.They are complements of others and they live in a permanent reciprocity and that is call Ayni in quechua language.

Time for the Pachakuti

The question is What do we live for? According to the occidental vision we turned into a virus that is killing life in its whole without knowing that the deterioration of any type of species,big or little means the deterioration of all of us and life too.
Nowadays our generation awakens to the call of a generational duty, we have to know that we are just individuals, we are the eyes of our ancestors, we are the voice of our grandparents and we are the action and the hope of them too. We are the seed of those that will come after us, the seed that will contribute in order to make the life culture stronger. In this movement when the anti natural ways are dominating, the natural forces become stronger and revitalized. That the time we are living, the Pachakuti or the re-ordering of Life.

By the way ,all this Living Good wisdom it has to turn into our new horizon, our new way of living and it is showing to all of us the greatness of our ancestors, now reflected in the hope of this new generation. Living Good to give us back to ourselves the balance and the armony,it is to understand that the Mother Earth has cycles so we have to learn when to put the seeds and when we have to crop, it means to abandon the mental monocultivation that has damaged our lives the same way it has damaged the fertility of Mother Earth and this will allow us to see the diversity of Life

Monday, April 11, 2011

Scientists uncover Inca Children´s countdown to sacrifice

Craig Brierley

Hair samples from naturally preserved child mummies discovered at the world's highest archaeological site in the Andes have provided a startling insight into the lives of the children chosen for sacrifice. Researchers funded by the Wellcome Trust used DNA and stable isotope analysis to show how children as young as 6-years old were "fattened up" and taken on a pilgrimage to their death.

A team of scientists led by Dr Andrew Wilson at the University of Bradford analysed hair samples taken from the heads and from small accompanying bags of four mummies found in the Andes. These included the 15-year old "Llullaillaco Maiden" and the 7-year old "Llullaillaco Boy" whose frozen remains were found in 1999 at a shrine 25m from the summit of Mount Llullaillaco, a 6,739m volcano on the border of Argentina and Chile. The Maiden, described as a "perfect mummy" went on display for the first time last month in Salta, northwest Argentina.

Dr Wilson and colleagues studied DNA and stable light isotopes from the hair samples to offer insight into the lives of these children. Unlike samples of bone collagen and dental enamel, which give an average reading over time, hair growth allows scientists to capture a unique snapshot at different intervals over time, helping build up a picture of how the children were prepared for sacrifice over a period of months. The results are published today in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA.

"By examining hair samples from these unfortunate children, a chilling story has started to emerge of how the children were 'fattened up' for sacrifice," says Dr Wilson, a Wellcome Trust Bioarchaeology Fellow.

It is believed that sons and daughters of local rulers and local communities were chosen for sacrifice, possibly as a way for the ruling Incas to use fear to govern their people. Some girls, know as acllas, were selected from around the age of four and placed under the guardianship of priestesses; some would later be offered as wives to local nobles, others consecrated as priestesses and others offered as human sacrifices.

By analysing stable isotopes found in the hair samples, Dr Wilson and colleagues were able to see that for much of the time prior to sacrifice, the children were fed a diet of vegetables such as potato, suggesting that they came from a peasant background. Stable isotopes of carbon, nitrogen, oxygen and hydrogen from an individual's diet are deposited in their hair where they can remain unchanged over thousands of years.

However, in the twelve months prior to sacrifice, the isotopic evidence shows that the Maiden’s diet changed markedly to one that was enriched with plants such as maize, considered an "elite" food, and protein, likely to have come from charki (dried llama meat).

"Given the surprising change in their diets and the symbolic cutting of their hair, it appears that various events were staged in which the status of the children was raised" says Dr Wilson. "In effect, their countdown to sacrifice had begun some considerable time prior to death."

Changes in the isotopes in the hair sample in the final 3-4 months suggest that the children then began their pilgrimage to the mountains, likely from Cuzco, the Inca capital. Whilst scientists cannot be certain how the children died, it is believed that they were first given maize beer (chicha) and coca leaves, possibly to alleviate the symptoms of altitude sickness and also to inure them to their fate. This theory is supported by evidence of coca metabolites that the researchers found in the victims' hair, and in particularly high concentrations in the Maiden's.

"It looks to us as though the children were led up to the summit shrine in the culmination of a year-long rite, drugged and then left to succumb to exposure," says co-author Dr Timothy Taylor, also of the University of Bradford. "Although some may wish to view these grim deaths within the context of indigenous belief systems, we should not forget that the Inca were imperialists too, and the treatment of such peasant children may have served to instil fear and facilitate social control over remote mountain areas.”

Previous research has shown that Llullaillaco Boy appears to have met a particularly horrific end. His clothes were covered in vomit and diarrhoea, features indicative of a state of terror. The vomit was stained red by the hallucinogenic drug achiote, traces of which were also found in his stomach and faeces. However, his death was likely caused by suffocation, his body apparently having been crushed by his textile wrapping having been drawn so tight that his ribs were crushed and his pelvis dislocated.

Saturday, January 15, 2011

Human Sacrifice in Ancient America

By Alex Graham-Heggie


Human Sacrifice in Ancient America


Ancient American Civilizations live in some infamy for their alleged practices of human sacrifice.
The truth of human sacrifice is inescapable, and continued in the Americas considerably longer than any comparable practice in Europe. However, the American civilizations, such as the Moche, Teotihuacanos, Maya and Aztecs ought not be judged solely on that basis.


The Moche were a pre-Inca civilization from northern Peru in the early Common Era. Their blood cult is one of the most notorious. Little is understood about the Moche civilization. However, their art depicts many instances of brutal punishments.


The human-like high priest entity that features in the many portrayals of elaborate and sadistic sacrificial rituals is known as ‘the Decapitator.’ Bloodletting, beheading, flaying and other forms of torture and execution were all parts of the pageantry.


However, the Moche also dedicated artistic attention to themes of nature, daily life and dress, and even erotica. Little more is known about them at this time, except that their civilization collapsed, possibly due to climate or invasion, around 750 CE.


Further north, at about the same time the Moche were in their ascendancy, the city of Teotihuacan erected a new structure: the Temple of the Feathered Serpents. Believed to be the burial place of a monarch, it represents an unusual moment in Teotihucan, where a definite monarchy seems to have been in place.


Beneath the pyramid, 260 skeletons of are buried. Each of them, in turn, is wearing a necklace of human jawbones.Interestingly, after about one hundred years, the dynasty that erected the temple seems to have been overthrown and the temple itself walled off. This suggests that the regime was deposed by the majority.


Again, limited information is available, but afterwards Teotihuacan reverts to an impersonal form of leadership.
The Maya, further south and east likewise practiced human sacrifice. However, as stated in this author’s article on Maya warfare, it was a relatively rare aspect of their religion, nor necessarily an end in itself.


Indeed, sacrifice was often a way of formalizing one state’s dominance over another, by ritually executing its highest lords; social rank was a deciding factor in who was made captive in Maya warfare, as when the King of Tikal captured and ‘chopped’ the king of Caracol, thus establishing their own rule over it.


Indeed, the greater part of blood sacrifice among the Maya was so-called ‘autosacrifice,’ wherein lords and ladies actually bleed themselves onto paper and burn the paper for offerings and for divination.


A word should be spared for another custom often attached to human sacrifice; the Mesoamerican ball game. Throughout Mesoamerica, and the Caribbean, variations on game were played with a rubber ball, cast between teams.


The Maya city of Copan and the Oaxacan centre of El Tajin both have especially famous ball courts. The founding monarch of Copan, Yax Kuk Mo, has a range of injuries on his skeletons suggestive of taking part in the ball game.


The popular understanding of the ball game frequently says that two teams competed and the losers were sacrificed at the end. In fact the rules of the ball game are not well-known. Nor is it realistic that the game was always played the same way everywhere. The simple fact is its full significance is unknown.


The Aztecs are easily the most infamous American civilization as regards the practice of human sacrifice. Their legends trace the origins of the world to a council of gods at Teotihuacan – long an abandoned ruin by that time – where one of the gods sacrificed himself to create the Sun. Such a great debt needed to be repaid in nothing less than blood. Without that, the crops would not grow, the rain would not fall, and the Sun would not rise.


Also, Aztec codices show them overthrowing cities with temples much like their own, and they took their example of militarism in great part from the Toltecs. In short, their tendency towards sacrifice did not set them apart from their neighbors. They may have been especially good at it, but they did not invent it.


Between lack of information, and common oversimplifications, the stereotype of American civilizations as bloodthirsty has become altogether too commonplace in the 20th Century. No civilization is all one way.


Sources:


Bob Brier, “The Pyramid Builders” Pyramids, Mummies and Tombs, Discovery Civilization, Summer 2007.
“Yax Kuk Mo” Ancient Clues, Discovery Civilization, Summer 2007.
Harrison, Peter D.
1999 Lords of Tikal: Rulers of an AncientMayaCity. Thames and Hudson Ltd., London.
Evans, Susan Toby Ancient Mexico and Central America: Archaeology and Culture History. Thames and Hudson Ltd., 2004.
“The Fifth World of the Aztecs” Spirits of the Jaguar, NOVA, PBS, 1998.
Personal Communications, Prof. S.E. Jackson, Dept. of Anthropology, University of Toronto, 2007-8.
Irving Rouse. The Tainos: Rise and Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbus. Yale University Press, 1992.