Coca and the Mountain for the Quechua People of Panao

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

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Translation requires a good understanding of a culture's worldview. Coca leaves and mountains are two predominant themes in the life of the Quechua people of Panao in the central Andes of Peru. By describing the customs associated with coca and the mountains, this paper permits us to view reality concerning them from the Quechua perspective and to consider the implications for translation.

Introduction

While learning to do desktop publishing I have been introduced to the notion of "templates," those parts of a publication which are preformatted. Creating a publication is simple since all I have to do is insert the appropriate text, and it formats itself automatically.

Culture is a society's template of life, and an individual's experiences fit into the different frames on the page with their meanings preformatted. The basic formatting is developed during the process of socialization, giving meaning to experiences and defining parameters for behavior. And just as I can modify the formatting of a paragraph, so I can also modify my culture's template. This analogy illustrates Spradley's (1980:6) definition of culture as "the acquired knowledge people use to interpret experience and generate behavior," as well as the notion that we are both creatures of our culture as well as creators of it.

Smith (1991:16) illustrates four levels of culture with concentric rings. Behavior in the outermost ring is composed of the observable components of culture: the social behavior observable among members of the culture and the culture's projects or artifacts. Inside this circle is the ring of social authority, the approval of the group to which the members belong. The next inner circle is the ring of experience, the collective personalized set of beliefs whch exercise even greater influence on behavior. The innermost circle represents the core beliefs of both an individual and the culture. The worldview of either one equates with its underlying assumptions about reality.

Communicating within the context of a single culture is typically done fairly easily because the same basic templates are shared. Communicating cross-culturally, however, is more complex because each culture's template is unique.

This paper describes elements of those outer levels of Panao Quechua (qxh) culture, the customs and beliefs associated with the Mountain and coca. And my purpose in making these observations of Quechua man and his relations and communications with the supernatural is to have a better understanding of the worldview of these people.

Interaction with the supernatural is a universal phenomenon. Steyne (1989:22) says that all people have some form of religion. Under the domain of religion, individuals formulate their responses to the questions of "Who am I?" and "Why do I exist?" The answers provide guidance for behavior and understanding for the experiences of life, especially those that are beyond one's control. The answers include explanations regarding life before and after one's present existence. Observations then into the PNQ's relations and communications with the supernatural is an attempt to understand this aspect of their worldview.

Ninety-five percent of the Quechua state that their religion is Christian, either Catholic or Protestant. To illustrate the need to understand the Quechua template, a brief example demonstrates the syncretism of Christian and Quechua beliefs:

María is a Quechua woman who says that she is an evangelical and trusts in the God of the Bible who healed her of gallstones. Maria has a one-year-old son. One day as people were butchering a cow, her child's clothing was removed and his face covered with a cloth. As soon as the rumen was removed from the cow, two large openings were made in it and the child was passed through the stomach's contents. Then, with stink and all, the child was quickly dressed. The reason for this is that the Mountain's senses are offended by this smell and thus it would not touch the child to give him 'fright'.

For the Scriptures to communicate accurately, I, as a translator, must understand the Quechua worldview. I must comprehend how their templates are similar and/or different from mine and the cultural perspectives of the source languages and cultures from which I translate.

Terry and Karla Smith work with SIL in Peru as translators with the Panao Quechua. They previously worked in Bolivia. Terry holds an M.A. from Azusa Pacific University in Human Resources and Leadership Development.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

The Quechua of Panao

The Andean people with whom my family and I have lived during the past eleven years are the Quechua of Panao. They are peasant farmers living between the Cordillera Occidental and the Cordillera Azul in the Andean districts of the province of Pachitea, department of Huánuco, in central Peru. The Andean districts of Panao, Chaqlla, Molinos and Umari, with a rural population of approximately 40,000 represent an identifiable social grouping; they identify themselves as Panao runakuna, people from Panao, which is the provincial capital. Linguistically and culturally they differentiate between themselves and the neighboring Quechua groups.

The nuclear family is the basic social unit within the culture. However, the primary social group is the extended family. The origin of many communities can be traced back to these extended family groups traditionally known asayllu. The extended family is the primary source of identity, trust, resources, and labor. As communities of multiple family groups have grown and the ayllu has become more fragmented, primary group relationships are extended by establishing social bonds with godparents and co-parents. These relationships also contribute to one's sense of identity; they are expected to be trustworthy, and reciprocally they are sources of resources and labor. Quicaña (1995:72) indicates that identification with the ayllu is based upon kinship, commitment to communal agrarian goals, and by sharing a common worldview.

A large billboard at the entrance to the town of Chaqlla boasts, "Potato Capital of Peru." The predominant crop in the region is the potato. Some communities produce up to 30 metric tons per hectare (l3.4 tons/acre). These potatoes are grown in both the high mountain valleys and up on the alpine steppes. The high mountain valleys also produce corn, beans, and squash. During parts of each year, the PNQ farmers also migrate to the high jungles where they produce coca and other tropical crops.

The Province of Pachitea was created politically on February 2, 1956. However, its cultural uniqueness was noted by the Spanish during the mid-1500s when Captain Gómez Arias de Avila was sent to conquer the region of theChupaychos and specifically the Panatahuas of the region of Panao. Arias was accompanied by clerics who were responsible for the Christianization of the Indians. The Christianization process of the Catholic Church has continued for some 440 years and Protestant groups have added their efforts during the past 60 years.

Weber (1989:1) describes the language of the Pachitea Quechua as a "relic dialect, not having suffered as much as the dialects to the west, which were much closer to the pre-Columbian centers of prestige." The culture seems to continue to resist change by the outside world and maintains its language and traditions as evidenced by the customs and beliefs detailed in this paper.

Searching out Panao Quechua templates

In the process of trying to understand their world, I have learned that coca leaves and the Mountain are primary elements in the Panao Quechua's cultural template. A brief story illustrates how these themes intertwine.

The Mountain that Wanted His Heart and Lungs

Once upon a time a man overnighted in Tender Grass Flat. There at that flat is the Mountain's mouth. The wind blows out from there. There in the middle of the night Wanakawri Mountain called out to another Mountain saying, "Just his heart. Just his lungs." Then the other Mountain responded, "But he has eaten bitter herbs. He has eaten garlic. But there is a skinny runt of a man here for you to eat. His lungs though are just for me." So then the other Mountain said, "Please, at least invite me to taste one bite of him. I am craving that since it has been a year since I have tasted lungs." Listening to that conversation, chewing coca, the man watched the new day dawn. But the skinny runt of a man, he did not chew coca. So he was dead as the day dawned. So, we eat bitter herbs and garlic so the Mountain will not devour us. When we overnight in uninhabited places, we chew coca leaves. (Juan Villegas Duran)

The vocabulary of this text is rather straightforward. However, it is confusing to someone who does not share the same encyclopedic knowledge as the Panao Quechua. They believe that the Mountain is alive and predominantly malevolent. It has human-like senses which are offended by strong odors like garlic. Caves are the doors to its house. Also as a deity, it knows the future. And chewing coca relieves drowsiness. Stories like this highlight their practices and beliefs, contributing to my efforts to acquire an understanding of the Quechua worldview.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

The Mountain

This section begins to detail practices and beliefs of the Quechua world, specifically those which relate to the Mountain and coca.

The Mountain as a material and spiritual reality

The mountains dominate the Panao Quechua world. These people live among the easternmost ridges and valleys of the Central Andes' Cordillera de Huachón. Communities within the quechua or chacra ecological zone are located between 2,400 to 2,700 meters (8,000 to 9,000 feet) and other communities are located in the puna or jirka up to 4,260 meters (14,000 feet). However, the mountains' dominance is not restricted to the physical environment but also pervades the spiritual dimension of everyday life. The predominant participants in the introductory text are the Mountains. They are animate beings, predisposed to malevolence and thus they require the devotion of their 'grandchildren', the Quechua people, to assure their benevolence.

Origin of the Mountain

The origin of the mountains and of the Quechua people themselves seems to be a moot question in the culture. The events in the lives of one's parents or grandparents is of little interest and their history is lost. And while it is said, "Father Mountain lives forever. He does not die," the origin of the Mountain's being an animate being is remembered as follows:

Tayta Jirka originated long ago when it rained fire on the earth. Some people tried to escape by going into holes and caves in the earth, but those people were covered up. Their access route back to the surface closed off. So they remained inside the earth. They shrunk, but their spirits remained, and they now inhabit the mountains. They are the Mountain. (Pablo Villegas Javier)

The mountain Mashkara Punta (Mask Peak) appears to be the head of a man looking off into the distance and is considered to be the most powerful Mountain. He along with Apallakuy, Ismalón, Waräkuy, and Punta Siete Colores are the Pichgan Punta (Their Five Peaks) of the Panao Quechua people. These are considered to be the highest peaks and thus the most powerful. While each peak has its name, the Mountain is most commonly referred to as Yaya Jirka or Tayta Jirka. These names characterize the Mountain as being male. Yet at the same time it can be referred to as the Pacha Mama, traditionally, 'Mother Earth.' The culture's predominant referent, however, isTayta Jirka (Father Mountain), which is reflected in this paper.

For the Panao Quechua peasants, the earth is the focus of their lives; the earth is the Mountain. Thus the presence of Tayta Jirka is an all-pervasive presence in their lives and culture.

The heart of the Mountain

When questioned about the nature of the Tayta Jirka, there are many responses. These answers reveal the heart of the Mountain:

• "Father Grandfather is bad."
• "He is powerful."
• "People are frightened."
• "He causes sickness."
• "He will make us lame."
• "He will castrate you."
• "He punishes people."
• "He will kill you."

In spite of what appears to be the malevolent nature of the Mountain, people trust in the Mountain to watch over all aspects of their lives. His presence may even be represented in the home by rocks brought from prehistoric archeological sites: a big rock represents the man of the house; a smaller rock, his wife; and the little rocks, their children. These 'living' rocks then assure that the family will live well.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

Feeding the Mountain

In order to invoke the Jirka's protection, people make offerings of coca leaves, sugar cane liquor, cigarettes, candy, cookies, and occasionally the tip of the heart of a butchered animal. They say, "We feed the Mountain so that we can live well."

Protection for crops and animals

Before plowing a field a man will say, "Father Mountain, please help me in all my work," as he places a palmful (approximately ten leaves) of green coca leaves (juk amuy) in a hollow beneath a big rock. Or, as sugar cane liquor is sprinkled on the ground he may say, "I will make Father Mountain taste this liquor." If the liquor is rapidly absorbed into the ground, then he knows the Mountain is pleased. Then he places the coca leaves, cigarettes, and maybe some candy in the cleft of a rock or in a hole in the ground. Sometimes the tip of the heart of a sheep or cow is cut off and also buried in the ground as a sacrifice to the Mountain. A potato harvest that yields twenty to twenty-five sacks per sack of seed planted is evidence of the Mountain's benevolent response to the farmer's offering. In contrast, if there are only a few sacks of yield produced from the sack of seed planted, that means that the Mountain was displeased, and people will suffer from hunger till the next potato crop is harvested.

As a woman takes her animals to pasture, she may invoke the spirit of the mountain to watch over her animals by saying, "Father Mountain, please watch over my animals."

Safety in travel

A traveler invokes the Mountain to look with favor on the trip and to remove any tiredness from the traveling party. To do this, a man picks up a rock as walks along the trail and carries it to the top of the pass and places it there as an offering to the Mountain.

When going into an area for the first time, while still far away, a person picks up a small stick and ties it into the form of a cross (kasha matanka) to be placed at the pass as an offering to the Mountain. The passes of Chawllinka Punta (4,000m/13,100ft) and Minasilla Punta (3,750m/12,300ft) are the traditional mountain sites for these offerings. In a similar way, when moving animals to graze in a new area, people offer coca leaves to the Mountain with the request that he accept their presence and watch over them and make their animals reproduce well.

Security for the home

The Mountain's presence is also invoked during house construction. Prior to building, a chrajchrakuj, one who knows how to chew coca and converse with the Mountain, chews all night till dawn invoking the Mountain's help for the men who will build the house and asking that the house itself be sound. Then the householder brings down awanka from Ushnu Punta, the mountain peak where prehistoric people lived, and buries it near the site. The wankais a flagstone-like rock and, as part of the Mountain itself, is considered to be powerful; it is a devourer (mikuj), and one that lives (kawakuj). Then he places a small clay pot above the wanka, into which he inserts coca leaves and other offering items. One of the offerings is sugar cane liquor inside a section of bamboo. Monthly the offering to the Mountain is renewed. In response to the offerings, the Mountain's responsibility is to protect the house from thieves and to speak through dreams to the homeowners. He will advise them of forthcoming events such as the arrival of a family member or friend, or give some advice concerning their livestock.

Benevolence for special events

The Quechua make offerings to the Mountain regularly in order to secure the Mountain's benevolence all year long. House building is only an occasional event in a lifetime, with offerings presented as in the previous section. Other occasional events are marriages and the family's process of acquiring larger fields in the differing farming zones. Two seasonal events of the year are the big planting (jatun murukuy) in the chrakra from mid-May through July and the January planting (iniru murukuy). Other seasonal events are the family's moving to the different farming zones and into new pasture lands.

A birthday is an occasion for making punchi, a thin porridge. Before any is served, the elder man of the household throws a bit into the kitchen hearth to give the Mountain a taste. A similar offering is made when men get together for social drinking, as each one tosses a few drops of his drink to the ground.

The kitchen hearth is the heart of the Quechua home. It is here that more frequent offerings are made, especially when the moon is full. The householder takes a few select green coca leaves and lime and places them on the coals. If the leaves turn to white ash, the Mountain is pleased; if they just turn black, the Mountain is displeased, and the following day will bring rain or misfortune. If the householder has made this offering in anticipation of travel, it is best that he delay the trip if the Mountain is unhappy.

Rescuing the spirit

The Quechua people know when to invoke the Mountain's benevolence for anticipated events. However, sometimes the unexpected happens, and the Mountain takes one's spirit. This potential generates considerable fear which I have noticed as I have hiked the mountain trails with Quechua friends. Each time I stumbled over a rock, I was told the Mountain would cause me to die. I have listened to parents most emphatically warn their children not to let their younger siblings trip or fall. One Quechua person explained it this way:

When you fall, Tayta Jirka grabs your spirit. If you do not get it back in a day or two, you will die. In order to get your spirit back, you must feed the Mountain. Some people, feeding the Mountain, spread out a shawl on the ground. Then the spirit comes back, and they gather up the shawl. That is how they get the spirit back. Another person may feed the Mountain and call to the spirit saying, "Come back, come back, my spirit," as he or she waves a flower back and forth. Then it comes back. (Alfonso Jorge Jara)

Quechua people feed the Mountain to obtain his benevolence or to rescue a lost spirit, but they fear his ability to bring death and disaster into their lives. When Tayta Jirka is displeased, one needs to make a better offering. Just as people like coca, cigarettes, cane liquor, candy, cookies and fruit, so the Mountain will be pleased to receive small portions of these goods.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

The Mountain, an Agent of Sickness

All sickness is said to be caused by the Mountain; all healing is also from him.

Offending the Mountain

When the Mountain is offended, he sends sickness. He becomes angry when people sin against him by urinating or defecating at the entrance of a cave, which is the door of his house, or by removing the building stones from an ushnu (a prehistoric dwelling), or by throwing rocks at the ushnu. Then sickness comes: wilt infests the potatoes; people become blind; others break out in sores or have infected genitals. When these calamities happen, each person must feed the Mountain so that he or she will be well again and so the Mountain himself will be happy.

The sins which offend the Mountain are few and easily avoided. It is much more common to wrong one's fellow man. It is wrong to steal a woman, to steal things, to kill, to lie, and to fight. When the elders tell a person that he has done wrong, then that person knows he has sinned. Then he must make restitution and confess his sin to the priest. However, the person offended or wronged may tell the Mountain about the wrong, and the Mountain will punish the offender. The offender must not only make restitution and confession, he must also feed the Mountain to placate him.

Mountain sickness

In describing the Mountain it is also necessary to describe ajay or manchakay (fright), the illness it causes. Throughout the investigation for this paper, the term manchachimanchi (it frightens us) was repeated. This fear constraints many daily activities. The night becomes a hostile environment, one in which the evil spirits roam and people must protect themselves by staying home after dark. Places such as springs and creeks are inhabited by the spirits so they must be avoided. Caves are the 'mouth of the Mountain' which might devour a person, so people must beware. If a man sits on a rock, the Mountain may castrate him. As people say, "We have to feed the Mountain so that it will not harm us and so that it will help us."

The fear of the Quechua people becomes acuter when a child or person falls. If that happens, his or her spirit is dislodged and the Mountain takes possession of it. The resulting lack of wellness, manchakay (fright), must be healed with the proper treatments which return the fright to the Mountain. These symptoms and their treatment are described in the sections below which elaborate the use of coca. However, there are measures of protection as defense against the Mountain's malevolence. This protection is described in the following section.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

Protection from the Mountain

One cannot escape the presence of the Mountain because it is everywhere in the Andean world. The first defense of the Quechua people against the Mountain is to keep the Mountain appeased. The offerings of coca, sugar cane liquor, and other sweets have been previously described. However, there is a way to provide further protection.

Protection for the defenseless

Babies come into this world defenseless, and they need a special protection which only an amulet (chuspa) can provide. The chuspa is a small knit pouch filled with special ingredients and hung around an infant's neck as a deterrent against the power of the Mountain. The ingredients which deter the Mountain are of two types: the first type consists of rue seed, garlic, and rock sulfur, which are offensive in smell to the Mountain. The second type is the wayrush seed, which, due to its shiny bright red color and black spot, is attractive to the Mountain, thus blinding him to the child's presence. With this double protection a baby has a greater chance of living through the vulnerable years of infancy and metaphorically becoming an awkis, an 'elderly person' of three to five years old, competent to walk without falling down.

The ability to distract the Mountain's attention with brightly colored objects is exploited to extend protection to others and to animals as well. A woman may tie a brightly colored yarn around her wrist or hang a yarn flower (wayta) from the waist over her traditional black skirt as a tassel (piñi), an amulet to protect against the Mountain. These same tassels are frequently seen hanging from the ears of sheep, cattle, and pack animals. It is better for the Mountain to 'love to death' the object which it finds attractive than a person or the animals.

These examples demonstrate the relationship that exists between the Quechua people and the Mountain itself. While the Mountain is the predominant spiritual being of the Andean world, there are many more spirits, all of which are feared. I have listened to grown men and women telling of their own personal nighttime encounters with beings and circumstances which profoundly frightened them. Others pass on second-hand reports, which the listeners believe completely.

The Mountain, when fed and happy, is able to protect people from all of these dangers.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

Coca

In many of the examples I found of the relationship between the Quechua people and the Mountain, coca has played a significant role. The following section will focus on coca and its uses.

Coca, a source of debate

The coca leaf has generated a world-wide debate, at least since the Spanish conquest. Both Columbus and Vespucci observed and recorded its use by the natives in the regions of the Caribbean. Frey Vicente Velarde, bishop of Cuzco, wrote to the Spanish Crown in 1539 of coca's beneficial effects on the Indians who could work and walk all day long under the hot sun without suffering fatigue. The bishop's views were not shared by many of the clerics who believed that the use of coca would impede the Christianization of the Indians. As a result of the Council of Lima between 1567-1569, they wrote that coca was "useless, pernicious, and leads to superstition since it was a talisman of the devil." This conflict led King Felipe II to write back that the use of coca should be tolerated among the Indians but urged the priests to be constantly vigilant to prevent its use in superstitious practices of witchcraft.

In the early 1900s, Dr. Mortimer of New York wrote of the benefits of coca, and the Peruvian doctor Carlos Monge described it as being indispensable for life in the heights and rigors of the Andes Mountains. These voices were countered by Gutiérrez Noriega (1949) who wrote forcefully about "coca addicts" and with empirical data demonstrated that it was used by those with low I.Q.s. He also believed that poverty led to increased coca chewing which led to greater coca chewing to diminish hunger pains: a vicious cycle!

With advanced techniques of pharmacology, the current debate focuses on chemical compounds and physiological responses with only token mention made of the fact that coca is chewed by those who live in a world far removed from modern medical centers. Few investigators acknowledge that coca is a symbol of indigenous culture, Cabieses (1993) being a notable exception. But coca has figured prominently in the relationship between the Quechua man and the Mountain (Bray 1983:269). It is the essential ingredient offered to the Mountain. However, its function in Andean society is broader as will be demonstrated in the following paragraphs.

Coca's source of power

Coca has been a source of power for thousands of years. Its widespread use from Nicaragua in the north down to Chile in the south is well attested. Ceramics from various pre-Incan cultures preserve its record and have led to the conclusion that its use was limited to the elite, the religious functionaries. Its power served for divination as well as in rites of fertility and puberty, and it has been considered a deity in some cultures.

The Panao Quechua attribute coca's power to the Virgin Mary. This belief is wide-spread. The Panao Quechua relate that God made coca and gave it to the Virgin Mary when she lost her son, Jesus. Through the use of coca, Mary was able to inquire about his wellbeing. Others relate that in her distress, Mary grabbed the leaf of some bush, and it turned into coca. Allen (1988:220) reports, "…the myth that Mamacha Santísima María invented coca chewing while mourning for her lost child…" And a report in one of Peru's leading newspapers says that coca is the shadow of the Virgin. Proof of Mary's use of coca is demonstrated by the fact that "her teeth marks are still found on the underside of the leaves. And now we chew coca, making the sign of the cross in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit." (Guillerma Sandoval Espiritu)

The belief that coca is alive and supernaturally empowered makes it an ideal medium for acquiring wealth, strength, information, and health. These functions and their associated rituals will be discussed below.

Coca, a source of revenue

The Panao Quechua's involvement in the production of coca is not a recent development. However, the focus on the production of coca for revenue is of recent origin. White (1989:11) indicates that a farmhand in the coca fields can earn twice the wage of a common laborer. There he may develop new fields, cultivate them, strip the leaves three or four times a year, and dry them for sale. While the government purchases some leaves for processing, the illicit cocaine industry's prices are much higher. A kilo of dried coca leaves yields approximately one gram of basic paste. This must be processed into cocaine hydrochloride which is reported to have a value of $45,000 per kilo and contributes to the industry which may be earning $5-6 billion a year.

Coca, then, as a source of revenue for the Quechua people is real. Historically it has been used as a medium of exchange between Andean communities as well as with jungle and coastal populations. Today the number of pickups and Volvo trucks as well as the many new houses of material noble (concrete and steel reinforcing rods) are evidence of incomes not generated through the sale of potatoes. But the income does continue to reinforce traditional values as those with economic resources are named as mayordomos to sponsor the major fiestas. Their generosity contributes to lavish celebrations which promote cultural values.

Coca as a source of strength

The etymology of the word coca is said to be Aymara, meaning 'a meal or the food of travelers and workers'. And historically its use as a source of strength has often been noted. McElroy (Boldó 1986: Chap.1) notes that it "alleviates feelings of fatigue, helps people keep warm and satisfies feelings of hunger." Burchard (1978:831) suggests that it accomplishes this by acting as a blood glucose regulator. The practice of keeping the quid between the cheek and gum may provide a natural slow-release environment moderating the hydrolysis of carbohydrates over an extended period of time, thus maintaining or restoring energy levels. Lacking the technological resources to scientifically prove the benefits of chewing coca, proof for the Quechua comes from their centuries of experience. And that experience has been formalized into the twenty-minute breaks of each workday's schedule. Before beginning work, a man chews coca and invokes the Mountain's help, saying, "I wonder if I will make my work multiply?" About 10:00 A.M. he takes the chrajchra break to make tiredness disappear. After the noon break and before beginning work again, he chews coca so that his strength will return. Then he takes the afternoon's break (mallway), taken about 3:00 P.M., and with renewed strength he works on till 5:00 P.M.

House finishing work (wasi ushyay) as well as during the wake (runa wañuy) are other times when the use of coca is a source of strength. On both of these occasions, the house owner portions out large quantities of coca (juntada) to give people strength as they celebrate the finishing of a house or mourn all through the night till dawn. Here we note other pharmacological effects of coca. Hulshof (Boldó 1986: Chap. 4) reports that coca stimulates the central nervous system provoking insomnia and restlessness, and it suppresses tiredness. That is just what is needed to keep a party going.

At these events, the male and female participants congregate separately, and after the homeowner has feasted the participants in the work party, coca is chewed, liquor is shared in minimal quantities, and stories and jokes are told through the night so that everyone laughs and has a good time. On these occasions, the Mountain's benevolence is not invoked.

These customs demonstrate that while some ritual may be observed in relation to the Mountain, an important function of coca is to provide an effective stimulant.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

Coca as a source of information

Just as the Virgin Mary is believed to have used coca to inquire about the wellbeing of her son, the Quechua of Panao value coca for its ability to provide information. Kuka willan (coca tells) is the source of information one needs for making the more pivotal decisions in one's affairs and life. Coca may be used by an individual to seek answers to some questions while a 'casual' seer or a 'professional' chrajchrakuj (one who knows how to chew or divine) will be consulted according to the criticalness of the issue. Examples of these three levels of expertise are presented in the following discussion.

Individual use of coca

Migration to the differing ecological zones is a pattern of life among the Panao Quechua. Each zone has a distinct planting and harvest season which requires much travel; from the chrakra up to the puna is normally a day's walk; from the chrakra down to the yunka is at least a day's travel by road, then a walk of some distance. Travelers want to be assured that their journey will be uneventful, thus they inquire of the coca, "Will it be good?" This inquiry is made by cupping a few choice coca leaves in the hands then quietly asking them the question. Upon spreading the hands out, one reads the coca's response. The upper face of the leaf, the dark green surface, is kara alli (the face is good), thus indicating a positive response to one's question; the underside of the leaf is chapa (a bad omen or negative response), and the stem indicates that there will be problems. Hulshof (Boldó, 1986: Chap. 4) reports these generalities about coca leaves: "Smooth, small and green leaves signify children; discolored and tattered leaves, sickness; wrinkled and folded, misfortune; and long leaves, journeys."

Coca's responses are held to be true and more reliable than a person's word. Pickett (1987) reports that coca's responses may be used as valid legal testimony.

The individual may also want to be assured of success before making a request of another person, for example a request for a loan of money. The coca's response will determine whether the person makes the request or not.

For issues which are more critical, a man may turn to a kinsman or friendly neighbor and request that he or she inquire of the coca on his behalf. This individual is a casual diviner, a 'semi-pro,' rather than a professional.

Casual use of coca

The 'casual user' of coca is one who knows how to listen to what the coca says and can read or understand what the leaves say after they have been chewed. His or her credibility is established through successful practice for friends and neighbors. The following example demonstrates the typical practice by casual coca chewers.

A woman who had been suffering from gallstones for several months called a casual chrajchrakuj to her home and requested her to "chew coca on my behalf." The suffering woman wanted to know if the treatment she was presently trying was going to be effective. She then proceeded to give her neighbor a small handful of leaves (approximately twenty-five leaves) so that she could inquire of the coca on her behalf. The neighbor cupped about six leaves in her hand, held them close to her mouth and softly asked the coca, "Will it be all right?" Then after chewing the leaves a short while, she removed a bit of leaf from her mouth with her fingers, put it into her hand, and read the results. This process was repeated three or four times until the coca told the answer to the question. She also considered whether the coca was sweet or not: sweet is a positive indicator; bitter is a negative response. Then she made payment to insure that the coca would reply again if intercession were made at some future time.

Expert use of coca

For the critical issues of life one consults the expert chrajchrakuj. This expert knows how to chew the coca, listen to its responses, and he or she also talks to the Mountain. Thus the expert use of coca provides direct communication with the Mountain or as the Quechua say, "Father Grandfather is the big powerful one here on this earth. He is our God on this earth." Being a real diviner, however, is not for the faint-hearted. A session may last all night or proceed continuously for four or five days, and if the Mountain is not satisfied with the efforts, he will kill the diviner.

Choosing a wife is a major decision in a society in which the family is the predominant social unit. Marriage is not the union of two individuals but rather of two social units. With life so dependent upon the availability of land within the different ecological zones as well as the dedication to work it well, emotional attraction between two young people is definitely not basis enough for contracting marriage. A young man will indicate his preference to his father or to an uncle so that he can intercede on his behalf, but before any decision is made, a chrajchrakuj will be consulted to see what the coca will say. This expert will repeatedly chew coca, adding lime from his big lime gourd (jatun isku puruwan), which is said to increase the release of alkaloids. He will also smoke cigarettes and drink liquor. Cud after cud is chewed until the diviner believes the coca has provided the answer. If a good leaf appears in the cud with the dark surface up, the intermediary is told to go ahead and try to arrange the marriage with the woman's parents. However, if the response is negative, the young man is told that he should forget about the woman, that she would die after the marriage or that she is to marry someone else. For these services, the diviner is paid one to two days' wages.

In decisions concerning marriage, business, crops and animals, or concerning the purchase of new fields or animals, just the coca itself is consulted, not the Mountain. But for an illness whose origin is not readily recognized, it is assumed that an enemy has cast a spell and the chraj chrakuj will need to seek the intervention of the Mountain.

Coca, a source of health

The medical benefits of coca have been disputed by the western world for many years. However, the Andean people have trusted in its curative powers for centuries. Today modern technology presently acknowledges that one hundred grams of coca contains 100% of the RDA of vitamins B1, B2, and C, as well as contributing significant quantities of calcium, phosphorus, and vitamin A to the diet. Physically, it also promotes stamina, relieves pain, and reduces inflammation. Psychologically, it generates a sense of social wellbeing and counteracts depression.

Coca is used medicinally in a limited sense. A woman may make coca tea when she has a headache and just does not feel well. For a headache, she would repeatedly bite a large coca leaf to moisten it and then plaster it to the area where a headache is felt most acutely. Coca's more prevalent use as a source of health is for the benevolent dynamic it establishes between the sick person and the Mountain. When the Mountain is happy with the sick person, the curse of an enemy will be broken and he or she will get better.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

Components of the Panao Quechua Worldview

From my study of the customs and beliefs of the Panao Quechua, some of them described in detail in the preceding paragraphs, I find the following are some of the core components of their worldview:

• The cosmos exists. It is one, but it contains three regions. The sun, moon, and stars exist in the upper world; man and the Mountain live in this world; prehistoric people and spirits exist in the inner world.
• The Quechua people live in this world. The nuclear and extended family are the basic unit of society. This unit is extended through social relationships; other people are strangers and not to be trusted.
• The earth is the source of life: man cultivates it and harvests its produce, which also includes coca; women pasture their animals on it and utilize their byproducts.
• The Mountains exist. They are the supreme animate beings of all that lives. They are simultaneously Father Mountain and Mother Earth.
• The Mountain is by nature hostile towards man. However, man is able to appease the Mountain and thus secure its benevolence. When the Mountain is happy he causes man's crops to flourish, his herds to multiply, and the family to live well. The goods of the family increase and all enjoy good health. However, if the Mountain is displeased, all these benefits are denied man, resulting in misery, poverty, and death.
• The Mountain is the source of both sickness and health.
• The Mountain can be invoked through the agency of coca and the chrajchrakuj to bring misfortune and death or to restore health.
• The Mountain's sphere of influence is limited to those who live in proximity to it.
• Other spiritual beings also exist that are all malevolent. These beings must be avoided lest they rob man of his spirit, bring disaster upon him, or kill him.
• Coca exists. It is alive and powerful.
• Coca is the ideal offering for appeasing the Mountain. Other edible treats which are pleasing to man are also pleasing to the Mountain. The quality of the offering is important, not the quantity.
• Coca speaks the truth to man, revealing the unknown to him.
• Coca gives strength and health.

Coca and the Mountain
Observations into the Worldview of the Quechua of Panao

by Terry P. Smith

References

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1983. Coca chewing and high-altitude stress: a spurious correlation. Current Anthropology 24(3):269-282.

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Naranjo, Plutarco

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White, Peter T.

1989. Coca: an ancient herb turns deadly. National Geographic 175(1):3-47.

An andean transcendental anthropology

By Juan Nuñez del Prado

I give myself license to write the following as I believe that this text can contribute with certain knowledge originating form a peculiar discovery that can be of a lot of help to guide the politics of inter-religious relations in a more understanding and constructive directions, especially now that these have come to be so important worldwide.

My profession is that of an Anthropologist. I have dedicated myself to researching “The Supernatural Andean World” from 1968 until today. From 1971, until the date of his death, I maintained a fraternal, personal, intellectual and sometimes controversial dialog with the Jesuit priest and anthropologist, Manuel Marzal S.J. who, to my understanding is the main authority in Religious Sciences in Andean and South American studies. A short time before his death, Manolo asked me to contribute with an article for the fourth volume of the Iberian-American Encyclopedia of Religions; I will use this as a reference in certain parts of this article.

Like the majority of South Americans I was born into the Catholic Church, but because of different circumstances between the ages of 18 and 31 I declared myself atheist. At the age of 31, during the year of 1976, because of a deep personal crisis I returned to the Christian faith and to the Catholic Church by means of “the Catholic Pentecostals” post-conciliating movement.

The hypothesis that I want to propose is founded on the allegation that Jesus Christ “was like us in everything except in sin”; this allows for a possibility of a “Christians Anthropology”. It is also founded on an idea proposed by an eminent Brazilian priest who I once had the opportunity to meet, which states “modern theology relating to inter-religious relations normally relies on the findings of “Religious Sciences”.

In 1979, I came into contact with and became apprentice of Don Benito Qoriwaman Vargas, Don Melchor Deza, Don Andres Espinoza and Don Mauel Quispe. All of them were indigenous Andean instructors, who are traditionally called “Alto Misayoq”. They considered and declared themselves Catholic; they practiced the sacraments and privately participated in certain peregrinations the Andean sanctuaries dedicated to the Lord and to Holy Mary. Their believes made up a synthetic system, which Priest Marzal called “Cultural Christianity”. It combined fundamental Christian believes with believes and rituals originating from the sophisticated Pre Columbian animism of the Incas.

What I learned with them was also a series of sophisticated spiritual practices, which I called “spiritual Andean Art” (but the details are not relevant at the moment). I also learned a hierarchical system, that can be considered as “Transcendental Anthropology” and that is described in the seventh epigraph of my article “The Return of the Inca, form Colonial Times to Globalization” in pages 246 to 249 of the fourth volume of the Iberian-American Encyclopedia of Religions that appears in the bibliography. I find this second aspect pertinent, therefore I will discuss it below.

It entails a mystical, complex sacerdotal hierarchy, partly virtual and partly prospective. This mentor hierarchy is parallel to the hierarchy of the beings that make up the religious universe in the Andes, as well as to a series of social groups of scalar dimension which constitute the Andean ethno- sociology.

The first sacerdotal level is made up by “Ayllu Alto Meshayoq”. This is the priest who has had an experience of seeing and being a part of the power of “Ayllu Apu”, spirit of the mountain, protector of a district. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Pikol and Apu Pukin are the guardians for the “Ayllus” of San Jeronimo and Santiago.

The second level is made up by “Llaqta Alto Meshayoq”, who has had the experience of seeing and being a part of the power of a “Llaqta Apu”, spirit of the mountain, guardian of a micro-region. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Saqsaywaman or Apu Wanakauri are guardians of the whole “Ayllu” of the Cusco Valley.

The third level consists of “Suyu Alto Mesayoq”, who has had an experience of seeing and being part of the power of the “Suyu Apu”, guardian of a region. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Ausangate and Apu Salqantay are the guardians of the extensive regions that begins in the South, in La Raya and extends North until the Pampas River, in the West until the Apurimaq River and in the East until the Yavero River.

The fourth level is made up by “Kuraq Akulleq”, who has had an experience of seeing and being a part of the power of the “Apuyaya” of “Taytacha”, alternative names given to Christ, the guardian of the universe. For example, the area of Cusco has the Taytacha Temblores, the Taytacha Qoyllurit’I, the Wanka Taytacha, Torrechayoq Taytacha or the Papak’uchu Taytacha, etc.

These are the four virtual sacerdotal levels, which have a training and an initiation process and also currently have working priests, who are capable of conferring their knowledge to other learners.

The fifth, sixth and seventh levels are prospective levels, meaning that currently there aren’t any priests exercising them and as a result, there is no one that can confer them. But, the levels and their characteristics are known for potential candidates.

The manifestation of these three new sacerdotal levels is part of the beginning of an era called “Taripay Pacha” or the encounter and wholesomeness of humanity, which according to the Andean point of view, should be more magnificent, fulfilling and satisfactory for humanity than that of the past Inca times.

The fifth level is called “Mallku Inka” and its meaning could be understood as someone being a part of the Inca’s bloodline. The property that someone in this level should have is to be “Tukuy Hampeq”, meaning, the person has to have power to cure any ailment, no exceptions, with the touch of his hands.

The current Andean priests are only “Hampeq”, meaning they have the capacity to cure ailments through miracles or rituals. But they recognize that their powers are still ambiguous or insufficient since sometimes they works and sometimes they don’t. A “Mallku Inka” should be able to show a miraculous curing power that always works and has results that can be visible and confirmed for all ailments and in all circumstances.

The sixth level is called “Sapa Inka”, which can be translated to “the singular Inca”. It’s the same title that was given in the XVI century to the leaders of the Tawantinsuyu Empire, or the title that the aspirers for Tawantinsuyu leadership gave themselves in the XVIII century. The quality that he must have and for which he will be recognized is called “Kánchaq” meaning that he has the capability of shining. To be recognized as such, a Sapa Inka should be able to shine in public in a visible manner for the onlookers.

The Sapa Inka will be able to conjugate “Taqe” between willingness and love, ”Munay”, work and creative labor “Llankay” and knowledge “Yachay” of all the towns of the ancient Tawantinsuyu and be able to reconstruct them, filling them with “Kausay”, vital forces; giving initiation with these actions to the adulthood of the Taripay Pacha Golden Age, in which the “Paytiti” will manifest itself in this world or the metaphysical city of the Andean eschatology.

Recently, Jorge Flores has identified the meaning of the word Enqa, as the title that is given not only to one particular person, but also as a spiritual quality in which an individual is able to concentrate vital energy in himself in order to redistribute it. At the same time, Jean Szeminski has suggested that one of the basic notions of which the organization of the Tawantinsuyu is made up was that of the capability and duty of the leader as much as of the imperial apparatus for the concentration and redistribution of life.

The seventh level is called “Taytanchis Rantiy” which means “the equivalent of our Father God”. The tasks which the individual in this level will do are not known, but its coming will be associated with an advanced era of the Taripay Pacha. The meaning of the word suggests a type of representative of God on earth, which could be compared to the eschatological expectation of the second coming of Christ of some Christians.

The manifestation of these three new levels in the hierarchy is reserved for the Taripaypacha era, which in the Andean eschatology is a new era that is coming. As is known, the temporary –contemporary Andean eschatology classifies history in three stages, whose symbolic denominations usually derive from the Joaquinista eschatology. As it seems, it was assimilated by the Andean civilization in the XVI century through the messianic movement of the “Taki Onqoy”. The first stage is called “Dios Yaya Pacha” or the time of the Father God. It was initiated with the founding of the Inca Empire by Manko Qapaq or Inkari, depending on the case, and it expanded during the duration of the Tawantinsuyu, ending with the death of the Incas Waskar and Atawallpa.

The second stage called “Dios Churi Pacha” or the time of the Son of God, began with the conquest and has lasted until our days. The third stage or “Holy Spirit God Pacha” which is also called “Taripay Pacha” is probably starting and it is in this one in which three hierarchies will manifest themselves,through the “Mosoq Karpay” or new initiation, which has to be directly distributed by God to those people he considers appropriate to be carriers of the new capacities. *

According to the Andean scatology, the vehicle which carries this new initiation should be the “Siwar Qenty” or Royal Humming Bird which, according to the Andean System, is the bird that has access to the center of the Hanaq Pacha, where the person of God is found.

Between the first and the second stages, and the second and third stages, there are essential “Pachakuti” or cosmic transmutations, through which the coming of the era is prepared, with a re-ordering of the cosmos.

According to the contemporary instructors, the last Pachakuti has already taken place and was produced between the first of August 1990 and the first of August 1993, so we are already in the initial part of the Taripay Pacha, that has to have an initial period of seven years, followed by another of twelve which will be the maturity stage and afterward, the manifestation of the new age will be produced.

During this period, the “Paqo’s”, the name given to the Andean priests, as well as to the town of the Andes, have an active participation in the preparing of the necessary conditions for the manifestation of the three new hierarchy levels and the coming of the persons that will guide the new age.

In reference to the first (the paqo’s), their contribution is made through the practice of traditional rituals and the passing on of the knowledge and initiation rituals of the Andean priesthood career in the diverse hierarchies that it is composed by . According to the tradition of Don Benito Qoriwaman, a “Kuraq Akulleq” or priest of the fourth level of the Valley of Cusco, the most important contribution of colleagues of the same fourth level consists of becoming “Inka Mallku”, through a ritual that lasts ten days, that takes place in a group of traditional sacred places in the region and that includes Machupicchu from below to the Wiraqocha Temple on top, in the Valley of “Willka Mayu” and the Valley of Cusco itself. According to Juan Ossio’s opinion about the description of this ritual: it’s about the process of a coronation of a sacred king. This process is called the Hatun Karpay.

The participation of the Andean towns and their contribution to the birth of the new era happens through their participation in the traditional religious festivities, especially through their involvement in diverse sanctuaries of regional importance.

Among them we can consider the sanctuaries of Señor de Torrechayoq in the province of Urubamba, el Señor de Wanka in the province of Calca, el Señor de Qoyllorit’i in the province of Quispicanchis or el Señor de Pampak’uchu in the province of Canchis and of course, in the involvement in the celebration of the sanctuary of the “Taytacha Temblores” in the province of Cusco, all of them in the region of Cusco.

The findings of the hierarchical system of the seven sacerdotal levels that I have mentioned before, wouldn’t have been more important than another piece of etiology data, if in 1985, Mr. Juan Murillo Valdivia, a friend of mine, connoisseur of the Bible and a very devout Catholic, hadn’t pointed out to me according to one of his findings, that there exists a parallelism of extraordinary meaning,between the spiritual hierarchy that I had just discovered and the first seven levels that appear in the 3 first chapters of Saint John’s Apocalypses in the Bible. This Bible’s seven levels are introduced as “the message of the seven churches”. I have dedicated myself to the analysis and study of this parallelism from then, until now.

As a matter of fact, both hierarchies appear to be parallel to a spiritual development process that Carl G. Jung called “an individuation process”. In the case of the Andean scale, the spiritualprogression is explicit, since it is considered part of a spiritual career. This career ends ideally, in the level of “Taytanchis Rantiy” since this level means “equivalent to God on earth”. This can be translated by a Christian to “the reproduction of Christ”.

In the case of the seven churches of the apocalypse, in the message to the first the Lord says to the visionary, “If you win, I will feed you with the fruit form the tree of life that is in my God’s paradise”. This, according to Saint Pablo decoding the symbolic language form the Bible means, to become a second “Adam with no sin”, since the one who was supposed to eat “fruit from the tree of life” was Adam and he couldn’t do it because ate “fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and bad” beforehand. In the message to the seventh church, the Lord says to the visionary “if you win you will sit on my throne, like my father has sat me on his throne”.

According to Christian theology, the only one who has sat on the Father’s throne is our Lord Jesus Christ, meaning that the decoded message to the seventh church means “be like Christ”; according to an invitation from Saint Paul directed to the believers of the first century of our times.

The possibility of legitimately comparing the Andean and Christian levels is permissible in the Catholic Theology, according to the “Semina Verbi” principle established by Saint Augustine. On the other hand, from my scientific information, I interpreted the concordance between both systems as a “second independent verification”, since between my Indian Instructors and the visionary of the apocalypse, there were almost 2,000 years of history and the void of cultural context that exists between the Hellenic civilization form the beginning of our times and the contemporary Andean civilization.

Scientifically, there exist two independent, parallel and concordant descriptions, from the same process; it is assumed that behind both descriptions lays the action of “A Natural Law”. Given that in both levels the final objective can be interpreted like the “reproduction of Christ”, that can be reached through 7 steps, such “law” couldn’t be anything else, but the one that directs the spiritual human development to Christification.

In conclusion, I have the hypothesis that the Christian scale wouldn’t be only in the first seven levels of the Saint John’s apocalypse, but that in some way it would also be in the gospel. Actually, it appears to be expressed in a symbolic manner in a series of acknowledgements of the Lord during his private life and in some culminating passages of his public life.

This way, the Lord is recognized, first like “Pastor of the Pastors” by the pastors, who inspired by the angels, go and worship him in the manger of Bethlehem. Secondly, he is recognized as “magician of magicians” by three kings of the orient, who offer him gold, incense and myrrh. Thirdly, as “Prophet of Prophets” by Simeon and Ana, when he is introduced in the temple and this couple prophesizes about his ministry. Fourthly, he is known as “the wisest of the wise”, when he was 12 years old and is recognized by the “wise” of Salomon’s temple. These remarks referring to the Lord’s private life.

After circa 18 years, the prelude of the Lord’s public life is his recognition as messiah, by John the Baptist, who according to Jesus himself, has a superior rank to any other prophet of Israel, when the Lord says: “from the ones born of women, there is no one better than John”. Afterwards and according to this arrangement, the Lord acquires a fifth degree when he is “anointed” by the Holy Spirit, after John baptizes him in the Jordan River, at the beginning of his public life. He acquires a sixth degree when he is visited by Moses and Elias; he is “transfigured” and shines in front of some of his disciples in Mount Tabor. Finally, the Lord acquires the seventh degree, when after his passion and death he is “revived of death”. This degree would be the one that differentiates the qualities of Christianity from all other superior, metaphysical religions, according to the statement made by Saint Paul, when he says “If Christ did not revive, meaningless is our faith”.

Again, due to my scientific upbringing, I was informed of the “Ontogenetic Recapitulation Law of Filogenesis” that operates in biological evolution, cultural evolution, and according to Sigmund Freud and Carl G. Jung, it operates also in the evolution of “depth psychology”.

This led me to suppose that what happened in the Lord’s life, must have had antecedents in the “preparation of his arrival”, meaning in the Old Testament. And, as a matter of fact, I could also establish another correlation.First, the patriarch Abraham, the first historical character of the Bible, is a “Pastor of Pastors”. Secondly, Joseph, who was sold by his brothers and was later made the minister of the pharaoh,when he defeats his magicians, is made “Magician of the magicians”.

Thirdly, when Moses meets the lord for the first time, he is made a Prophet. Fourthly, when Salomon asks from God and receives from him the gift of knowledge, he is obviously made wise. In my point of view, this implies a correlation with the four first levels of the scale, corresponding at the same time to the acknowledgements received by our Lord during his private life.

About the “Ontogenetic Recapitulation Law of Filogenesis” that I am freely attributing to the life of our Lord, I am justified by the statement expressed by his sanctity John Paul II when in one of his trips to Mexico City he mentioned to a group of compromised laics “Christ is the recapitulation of all creation”.

Moses and Elias, in my point of view, should be treated in a particular way. About Moses, the classification I have made about him as a prophet corresponds in my point of view to the initiation of his spiritual development process, which appears to have been taken much further later. Elias and Moses are directly related to fire, which in biblical terms is the symbol of the Holy Spirit. The fire instructs Moses in the episode of the “burning bush” and responds to the expectations of Elias in the episode of his confrontation with priests of Baal, where in favor to Elias, the Lord lights the holocaust of his offering. Such relationship types appear to suggest two successive degrees of a relationship of the believer with the Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, such difference is in a certain way circumstantial, facing the fact that in some point in their career, both become great thaumaturgies, meaning, they performed miracles, an aptitude that in the bible is related to the third person of the trinity, the Holy Spirit.

According to the Bible, Moses, as well as Elias, don’t seem to have left their bodies on earth. It is said that Moses was “snatched” leaving this event a mystery. Elias is also “snatched to heaven” in a car of fire, in the presence of Eliseo.

From this it can be hypothetically concluded, that in two different and independent times of history, Moses and Elias have taken spiritual development to Israel successfully to the fifth and sixth levels.

Being the first one a pioneer actor and the second an actor of the recapitulation of the process. In this way, both would have been “prefigurations of Christ”, concept, which to my understanding isaccepted in Catholic Theology.

This interpretation seems to be corroborated by the fact that a time after giving “the commandments” to the city, Moses ascends to the mountain and returns shining. And, also for thefact that in the transfiguration of Christ, it’s Moses and Elias who appear simultaneously to our Lord Jesus Christ and all three, shine in front of the disciples of Jesus, who were permitted to go up the mountain.

That would imply for that moment a “mystic participation” between Moses, Elias and the Lord in the manifestation of the sixth degree of spiritual consciousness.

I think that an interpretation of this kind, is not too different from the Catholic Church’s tradition and practice today, since according to Mario Escobar Moscoso, in the text of “the Seven Dwellings” by Saint Teresa del Avila, developed and written in the XVI century, a hierarchy of spiritual progression can be discovered, similar and corresponding to the seven levels described her. The Holy Spanish woman has been declared by our church a Mystic Doctor, meaning expert in the process of spiritual development. At the same time, inside of our church, there are the practices of the “Neocatecumenado”, founded by the Spanish man Kiko Arguello, whose practice I would consider also “a Spiritual Art”.

It consists of seven steps of descending to the baptismal faucet, considered a purification process; and seven steps of ascending going out from the baptismal faucet, considered like “a process of spiritual development, following our Lord Jesus Christ”.

According to Arguello, the “Neocatecumenado” recuperates practices that were transmitted to the Christian novice as part of his training and intitiation process during the two first centuries of the history of our church. Recently, because of Arguello’s petition and after a very prolonged procedure and exhaustive testing, the “Neocatecumendado” has been admitted, not as a church movement,but as an “initiation inside the church”.

Despite being up to a certain point in concordance with theology, this argument does not pretend to be Theological, since, as the reader can see it’s the result of the application to the Andean ethological material as well as to the Bible text of the usual techniques of the concomitant variation method and symbolic decodification, used in Anthropology. It can be said then, that it is, from the Religion Science point of view, simply “a documented work hypothesis”, relatively in concordance with the contemporary catholic theology.

On the other hand, and widening the meaning of my discovery, Cesar Cornejo Zavaleta, showed me the existence, inside the Sufi tradition –mystic branch of Islam- of another comparable seven levels, coded in terms of the “flight of the birds through the seven valleys”. Later research taught me that slao, according to the Sufi tradition, Mohamed, after he had written and given the Koran to the town, went up the mountain form which he descended shining. 

This implies an extraordinary similitude to what happened to Moses. Also, during his illumination, Mohamed was raised and he saw the seven heavens, during this experience he had a repetitive discussion with Moses about the obligations that were to be required of the believers of Islam.

Between both events, it was suggested that during his mystic appearance in the VI century of our times, Mohamed would have had access to the hierarchical seven and that the prophet of Islamwould have had established the sixth degree of spiritual development, due to the fact that he shined as much as to do to his diacritical dialog with Moses, which according to what we have suggested is representative of the sixth degree. In this way, the phenomenon of his body being “snatched” from this earth would also be accessible to him, as it is claimed by Islamic tradition.

In this manner, if Moses and Elias symbolized “representations of our Lord”, Mohamed would have been a recapitulation of the of the “Christian Manifestation” process of Moses and Elias and of the Lord himself, up to the sixth level. This seems reasonable since Mohamed “converts” to monotheism, due to the preaching of a Christian monk, and according to the Islamic tradition, his purposed would have been to translate the high moral message from the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ into a group of direct and particle rules, in concordance to the mentality of the Arabian town of those days.

The result inspired by such objective, is from the Islamic point of view, “The Koran”, whose composition is considered from their point fo view, the “only miracle” done by Prophet Mohamed during his life. Finally, and again inside the Sufi tradition, Jesus Christ our Lord in honored as the “identifying mark of the Perfect Saints” and Mohamed as “Identifying mark of the Perfect Prophets”.

If it is possible to agree that the members of all three monotheist religions worship the same and only metaphysical God, under slightly different names, it would be possible for a Christian to believe and publicly declare that:”Allah is the only true God and Mohamed is his Prophet”, without the lessening of his faith nor of his church’s faith, which would only mean he is honoring the prophet of another religion in his due magnitude. In fact, we already do it with Judaism considering Moses and Elias as “True Prophets”.

From the strict historical point of view, supported by the English historian Arnold J. Toynbee., Judaism is a “fossilized” social religious segment of the ciriaca civilization was frozen in its evolution process, autonomous for a space of ten centuries, as a result of the conquests by Alejandro Magno. As said by Toynbee, such civilization would have continued again, from the point from which it was detained, the preaching of Mohamed.

I had the opportunity to be in the Scandinavian countries during the time in which, in my opinion, there was a very violent and angry reaction to a production of some comic strips about Prophet Mohamed. I think that the Muslim world in the Islamic countries as well as the Islamic residents in Europe are extremely sensible to what Christians could suggest or mention about them, their culture, and especially their prophet, whether it’s positive or negative. This context of extreme susceptibility originated the recent reaction to the words of the Pope Benedict XVI during his visit to Germany.

Both Islamic reactions appear to be sharp reactions of what Samuel P. Huntington denominated “the Clash of Cultures”, which in my opinion is the closest “Geo Religious” approximation to the world that is born, after the successive obsolescing of the rationalist ideologies, communist first and capitalist after.

There are two aspects that I consider fundamental in the geo religious approximation of Mr. Huntington: First that the critical factor of the international confrontations has displaced from“Economic Politics” (“Dictatorial Socialism” vs. “Liberal Capitalism”) to “Cultural Religious” predicaments or “Civilizations”. Secondly, that in the numbering of the possible civilization actors resulting from the “Worldly Reconfiguration” , Mr. Huntington considers “5 living Civilizations”, already identified in the 40s by Mr. Toynbee, and also, considered new and independent actors: “The African sub Saharan civilization”, “The Buddhist civilization”, and “the Latin American civilization”.

Such implication seems to be corroborated in reference to “the Buddhist civilization” due to the ever increasing authority of the Dalai Lama, starting from the decade of the 60s. In reference to the “Latin American Civilization” because of the variety and wealth of spiritual phenomenon that happen here and that are described exhaustively in the works done by Father Manuel Marzal, already mentioned before and specially in his work “Enchanted Earth”, also published by the Trotta editorial company.

For a comprehensive and productive treatment of the Latin American phenomena, our church counts with the approximation of “the Encultural Theology”. I have the impression, that this theology is already being applied to the African case.

Returning to the circumstantial subject of the Islamic reactions, I believe that a public announcement like the one I have considered according to this hypothesis, I considered it possible for a Christian, it would take place in the Islamic world, in reactions to of similar intensity, but of contrary direction to the ones produced by the incident of the comic strips or by Pope Benedict XVI mentioning the speech by Emperor Byzantine of the XIV century.

What I wouldn’t dare to foretell, is what would happen inside the Catholic Church, which is a unique organization, extremely big and extremely complex: I think only someone who participates in the instances of knowledge, belonging to the great Catholic religious orders or the ecclesial hierarchy, would be capable to be in such position and capacity.

What was mentioned here could contribute to the design of political “inter-religious” relations for the future. Such politics could use as an instrument of contextualization and characterization, the already mentioned work by Mr. Huntington “The Clash of Civilizations” and as an impartial understanding of the religious content, the work by Mr. Huston Smith, titled “The Religions of the World”, which is to my understanding the best and better understood compendium of information about superior religions, that encourage contemporary living civilizations.

Father Pierre Teilhard de Chardin S.J. was able to make a skillful co pagination about creativity and evolution for the Catholic faith, expressed in a special manner in his works: “The Divine Means” and “The Human Phenomenon”. Father Manuel Marzal S.J. made an adaptation of these works to the requirements of the investigation of Anthropology of Religion, in affirming that “The revelation is the movement of God towards human kind and as a result of an object of study of Theology, while religion is the creative response of humanity to revelation, and as such, a cultural creation and object to be investigated in Anthropology.

 As part of this intellectual context, we can add that Pope John Paul II, said on a certain occasion “Culture is a gift from God to humanity”. It can be said; that Judaism, Christianity and Islam, are other cultural responses to the revelation, and also the seven levels that make up part of their respective doctrines. If as it appears from this analysis, the cultural complexity of the hierarchy of the seven levels makes up a level of the psychic process needed for Christianization or “the omega point”, of the cosmos-vision of Father Teilhard de Chardin, they have as an common objective which has not fully been accomplished yet to contribute to the spiritual development of their particular human communities in the following of Christ and aiming towards Omega.

The acknowledgment of a common objective in this way, could in the long run constitute itself into an instrument of peace in the geographical civilization space occupied by the three monotheist religions; Judaism, Christianity and Islam, in which the raising Latin American civilization and its Andean counterparts are also included.

Finally, I would like to mention, that due to personal reasons that I have mentioned at the beginning of this article, Father Marzal S.J. had reservations in the “impartiality and objectivity” of my points of view. He explicitly expressed such reservations himself in the third paragraph of his article which introduces volume 4 in the “Iberia-American Encyclopedia of Religions”, between pages 31 and 32. I will mention the paragraph below:

“The second work about the return of the Inca is done by Juan Nuñez del Prado. Because of the topic, I supposed that this work could incur in messianic repetitions and I was right. Nevertheless, it contains different elements and also it’s useful to encounter the two points of view about such a discussed subject. 

Nonetheless, the perspectives are somewhat different, because while Ossio focuses on the scientific field and exposes the forms taken by Andean messianism in Peruvian history; Nuñez del Prado, in spite of the great amount of information he has and his extensive occupation in the country as a Quechua speaking native, situates himself in a different field and at times, he is more than a scientist of the Andean Culture, he seems to be a believer of Andean spirituality; in this position his personal relationship with various altomisayocs has with no doubt influenced where he has discovered a persistent hierarchy of Andean specialists and a spirituality that seems to tune with certain religious currents of the postmodern world, which explains the success of spiritual tourism in the region of Cuzco (Jenkins, 1999)”

At the same time, I am fully conscious that everything I have said up to here could simply be the result of my personal need to solve the conflict between my Christian faith and my academic reasoning, something natural for someone who migrated from Pre Conciliar Catholicism to Rationalized Atheism, to finally return to Catholicism subsequent to Vatican Concilio II.

Cuzco, October 12, 2006

Juan Victor Nuñez del Prado Béjar

Bibliography:

Manuel M. Marzal (editor). Religiones Andinas. Enciclopedia Iberoamericana de Religiones. Vol. 04. Editorial Trotta. Madrid. 2005

Huston Smith. The World’s Religions. Harper San Francisco. 1986

Elizabeth Jenkins. Initiation. Putnam. New York. N.Y. 1997

Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of World order. Simon& Schuster. New York 1996.