Showing posts with label inca religion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label inca religion. Show all posts

Friday, February 15, 2013

An andean transcendental anthropology



By Juan Nuñez del Prado

I give myself license to write the following as I believe that this text can contribute with certain knowledge originating form a peculiar discovery that can be of a lot of help to guide the politics of inter-religious relations in a more understanding and constructive directions, especially now that these have come to be so important worldwide.

My profession is that of an Anthropologist. I have dedicated myself to researching “The Supernatural Andean World” from 1968 until today. From 1971, until the date of his death, I maintained a fraternal, personal, intellectual and sometimes controversial dialog with the Jesuit priest and anthropologist, Manuel Marzal S.J. who, to my understanding is the main authority in Religious Sciences in Andean and South American studies. A short time before his death, Manolo asked me to contribute with an article for the fourth volume of the Iberian-American Encyclopedia of Religions; I will use this as a reference in certain parts of this article.

Like the majority of South Americans I was born into the Catholic Church, but because of different circumstances between the ages of 18 and 31 I declared myself atheist. At the age of 31, during the year of 1976, because of a deep personal crisis I returned to the Christian faith and to the Catholic Church by means of “the Catholic Pentecostals” post-conciliating movement.

The hypothesis that I want to propose is founded on the allegation that Jesus Christ “was like us in everything except in sin”; this allows for a possibility of a “Christians Anthropology”. It is also founded on an idea proposed by an eminent Brazilian priest who I once had the opportunity to meet, which states “modern theology relating to inter-religious relations normally relies on the findings of “Religious Sciences”.

In 1979, I came into contact with and became apprentice of Don Benito Qoriwaman Vargas, Don Melchor Deza, Don Andres Espinoza and Don Mauel Quispe. All of them were indigenous Andean instructors, who are traditionally called “Alto Misayoq”. They considered and declared themselves Catholic; they practiced the sacraments and privately participated in certain peregrinations the Andean sanctuaries dedicated to the Lord and to Holy Mary. Their believes made up a synthetic system, which Priest Marzal called “Cultural Christianity”. It combined fundamental Christian believes with believes and rituals originating from the sophisticated Pre Columbian animism of the Incas.

What I learned with them was also a series of sophisticated spiritual practices, which I called “spiritual Andean Art” (but the details are not relevant at the moment). I also learned a hierarchical system, that can be considered as “Transcendental Anthropology” and that is described in the seventh epigraph of my article “The Return of the Inca, form Colonial Times to Globalization” in pages 246 to 249 of the fourth volume of the Iberian-American Encyclopedia of Religions that appears in the bibliography. I find this second aspect pertinent, therefore I will discuss it below.

It entails a mystical, complex sacerdotal hierarchy, partly virtual and partly prospective. This mentor hierarchy is parallel to the hierarchy of the beings that make up the religious universe in the Andes, as well as to a series of social groups of scalar dimension which constitute the Andean ethno- sociology.

The first sacerdotal level is made up by “Ayllu Alto Meshayoq”. This is the priest who has had an experience of seeing and being a part of the power of “Ayllu Apu”, spirit of the mountain, protector of a district. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Pikol and Apu Pukin are the guardians for the “Ayllus” of San Jeronimo and Santiago.

The second level is made up by “Llaqta Alto Meshayoq”, who has had the experience of seeing and being a part of the power of a “Llaqta Apu”, spirit of the mountain, guardian of a micro-region. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Saqsaywaman or Apu Wanakauri are guardians of the whole “Ayllu” of the Cusco Valley.

The third level consists of “Suyu Alto Mesayoq”, who has had an experience of seeing and being part of the power of the “Suyu Apu”, guardian of a region. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Ausangate and Apu Salqantay are the guardians of the extensive regions that begins in the South, in La Raya and extends North until the Pampas River, in the West until the Apurimaq River and in the East until the Yavero River.

The fourth level is made up by “Kuraq Akulleq”, who has had an experience of seeing and being a part of the power of the “Apuyaya” of “Taytacha”, alternative names given to Christ, the guardian of the universe. For example, the area of Cusco has the Taytacha Temblores, the Taytacha Qoyllurit’I, the Wanka Taytacha, Torrechayoq Taytacha or the Papak’uchu Taytacha, etc.

These are the four virtual sacerdotal levels, which have a training and an initiation process and also currently have working priests, who are capable of conferring their knowledge to other learners.
The fifth, sixth and seventh levels are prospective levels, meaning that currently there aren’t any priests exercising them and as a result, there is no one that can confer them. But, the levels and their characteristics are known for potential candidates.

The manifestation of these three new sacerdotal levels is part of the beginning of an era called “Taripay Pacha” or the encounter and wholesomeness of humanity, which according to the Andean point of view, should be more magnificent, fulfilling and satisfactory for humanity than that of the past Inca times.

The fifth level is called “Mallku Inka” and its meaning could be understood as someone being a part of the Inca’s bloodline. The property that someone in this level should have is to be “Tukuy Hampeq”, meaning, the person has to have power to cure any ailment, no exceptions, with the touch of his hands.

The current Andean priests are only “Hampeq”, meaning they have the capacity to cure ailments through miracles or rituals. But they recognize that their powers are still ambiguous or insufficient since sometimes they works and sometimes they don’t. A “Mallku Inka” should be able to show a miraculous curing power that always works and has results that can be visible and confirmed for all ailments and in all circumstances.
The sixth level is called “Sapa Inka”, which can be translated to “the singular Inca”. It’s the same title that was given in the XVI century to the leaders of the Tawantinsuyu Empire, or the title that the aspirers for Tawantinsuyu leadership gave themselves in the XVIII century. The quality that he must have and for which he will be recognized is called “Kánchaq” meaning that he has the capability of shining. To be recognized as such, a Sapa Inka should be able to shine in public in a visible manner for the onlookers.

The Sapa Inka will be able to conjugate “Taqe” between willingness and love, ”Munay”, work and creative labor “Llankay” and knowledge “Yachay” of all the towns of the ancient Tawantinsuyu and be able to reconstruct them, filling them with “Kausay”, vital forces; giving initiation with these actions to the adulthood of the Taripay Pacha Golden Age, in which the “Paytiti” will manifest itself in this world or the metaphysical city of the Andean eschatology.

Recently, Jorge Flores has identified the meaning of the word Enqa, as the title that is given not only to one particular person, but also as a spiritual quality in which an individual is able to concentrate vital energy in himself in order to redistribute it. At the same time, Jean Szeminski has suggested that one of the basic notions of which the organization of the Tawantinsuyu is made up was that of the capability and duty of the leader as much as of the imperial apparatus for the concentration and redistribution of life.

The seventh level is called “Taytanchis Rantiy” which means “the equivalent of our Father God”. The tasks which the individual in this level will do are not known, but its coming will be associated with an advanced era of the Taripay Pacha. The meaning of the word suggests a type of representative of God on earth, which could be compared to the eschatological expectation of the second coming of Christ of some Christians.

The manifestation of these three new levels in the hierarchy is reserved for the Taripaypacha era, which in the Andean eschatology is a new era that is coming. As is known, the temporary –contemporary Andean eschatology classifies history in three stages, whose symbolic denominations usually derive from the Joaquinista eschatology. As it seems, it was assimilated by the Andean civilization in the XVI century through the messianic movement of the “Taki Onqoy”. The first stage is called “Dios Yaya Pacha” or the time of the Father God. It was initiated with the founding of the Inca Empire by Manko Qapaq or Inkari, depending on the case, and it expanded during the duration of the Tawantinsuyu, ending with the death of the Incas Waskar and Atawallpa.

The second stage called “Dios Churi Pacha” or the time of the Son of God, began with the conquest and has lasted until our days. The third stage or “Holy Spirit God Pacha” which is also called “Taripay Pacha” is probably starting and it is in this one in which three hierarchies will manifest themselves,through the “Mosoq Karpay” or new initiation, which has to be directly distributed by God to those people he considers appropriate to be carriers of the new capacities. *

According to the Andean scatology, the vehicle which carries this new initiation should be the “Siwar Qenty” or Royal Humming Bird which, according to the Andean System, is the bird that has access to the center of the Hanaq Pacha, where the person of God is found.

Between the first and the second stages, and the second and third stages, there are essential “Pachakuti” or cosmic transmutations, through which the coming of the era is prepared, with a re-ordering of the cosmos.
According to the contemporary instructors, the last Pachakuti has already taken place and was produced between the first of August 1990 and the first of August 1993, so we are already in the initial part of the Taripay Pacha, that has to have an initial period of seven years, followed by another of twelve which will be the maturity stage and afterward, the manifestation of the new age will be produced.

During this period, the “Paqo’s”, the name given to the Andean priests, as well as to the town of the Andes, have an active participation in the preparing of the necessary conditions for the manifestation of the three new hierarchy levels and the coming of the persons that will guide the new age.

In reference to the first (the paqo’s), their contribution is made through the practice of traditional rituals and the passing on of the knowledge and initiation rituals of the Andean priesthood career in the diverse hierarchies that it is composed by . According to the tradition of Don Benito Qoriwaman, a “Kuraq Akulleq” or priest of the fourth level of the Valley of Cusco, the most important contribution of colleagues of the same fourth level consists of becoming “Inka Mallku”, through a ritual that lasts ten days, that takes place in a group of traditional sacred places in the region and that includes Machupicchu from below to the Wiraqocha Temple on top, in the Valley of “Willka Mayu” and the Valley of Cusco itself. According to Juan Ossio’s opinion about the description of this ritual: it’s about the process of a coronation of a sacred king. This process is called the Hatun Karpay.

The participation of the Andean towns and their contribution to the birth of the new era happens through their participation in the traditional religious festivities, especially through their involvement in diverse sanctuaries of regional importance.

Among them we can consider the sanctuaries of Señor de Torrechayoq in the province of Urubamba, el Señor de Wanka in the province of Calca, el Señor de Qoyllorit’i in the province of Quispicanchis or el Señor de Pampak’uchu in the province of Canchis and of course, in the involvement in the celebration of the sanctuary of the “Taytacha Temblores” in the province of Cusco, all of them in the region of Cusco.

The findings of the hierarchical system of the seven sacerdotal levels that I have mentioned before, wouldn’t have been more important than another piece of etiology data, if in 1985, Mr. Juan Murillo Valdivia, a friend of mine, connoisseur of the Bible and a very devout Catholic, hadn’t pointed out to me according to one of his findings, that there exists a parallelism of extraordinary meaning,between the spiritual hierarchy that I had just discovered and the first seven levels that appear in the 3 first chapters of Saint John’s Apocalypses in the Bible. This Bible’s seven levels are introduced as “the message of the seven churches”. I have dedicated myself to the analysis and study of this parallelism from then, until now.

As a matter of fact, both hierarchies appear to be parallel to a spiritual development process that Carl G. Jung called “an individuation process”. In the case of the Andean scale, the spiritualprogression is explicit, since it is considered part of a spiritual career. This career ends ideally, in the level of “Taytanchis Rantiy” since this level means “equivalent to God on earth”. This can be translated by a Christian to “the reproduction of Christ”.

In the case of the seven churches of the apocalypse, in the message to the first the Lord says to the visionary, “If you win, I will feed you with the fruit form the tree of life that is in my God’s paradise”. This, according to Saint Pablo decoding the symbolic language form the Bible means, to become a second “Adam with no sin”, since the one who was supposed to eat “fruit from the tree of life” was Adam and he couldn’t do it because ate “fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and bad” beforehand. In the message to the seventh church, the Lord says to the visionary “if you win you will sit on my throne, like my father has sat me on his throne”.

According to Christian theology, the only one who has sat on the Father’s throne is our Lord Jesus Christ, meaning that the decoded message to the seventh church means “be like Christ”; according to an invitation from Saint Paul directed to the believers of the first century of our times.

The possibility of legitimately comparing the Andean and Christian levels is permissible in the Catholic Theology, according to the “Semina Verbi” principle established by Saint Augustine. On the other hand, from my scientific information, I interpreted the concordance between both systems as a “second independent verification”, since between my Indian Instructors and the visionary of the apocalypse, there were almost 2,000 years of history and the void of cultural context that exists between the Hellenic civilization form the beginning of our times and the contemporary Andean civilization.

Scientifically, there exist two independent, parallel and concordant descriptions, from the same process; it is assumed that behind both descriptions lays the action of “A Natural Law”. Given that in both levels the final objective can be interpreted like the “reproduction of Christ”, that can be reached through 7 steps, such “law” couldn’t be anything else, but the one that directs the spiritual human development to Christification.

In conclusion, I have the hypothesis that the Christian scale wouldn’t be only in the first seven levels of the Saint John’s apocalypse, but that in some way it would also be in the gospel. Actually, it appears to be expressed in a symbolic manner in a series of acknowledgements of the Lord during his private life and in some culminating passages of his public life.

This way, the Lord is recognized, first like “Pastor of the Pastors” by the pastors, who inspired by the angels, go and worship him in the manger of Bethlehem. Secondly, he is recognized as “magician of magicians” by three kings of the orient, who offer him gold, incense and myrrh. Thirdly, as “Prophet of Prophets” by Simeon and Ana, when he is introduced in the temple and this couple prophesizes about his ministry. Fourthly, he is known as “the wisest of the wise”, when he was 12 years old and is recognized by the “wise” of Salomon’s temple. These remarks referring to the Lord’s private life.

After circa 18 years, the prelude of the Lord’s public life is his recognition as messiah, by John the Baptist, who according to Jesus himself, has a superior rank to any other prophet of Israel, when the Lord says: “from the ones born of women, there is no one better than John”. Afterwards and according to this arrangement, the Lord acquires a fifth degree when he is “anointed” by the Holy Spirit, after John baptizes him in the Jordan River, at the beginning of his public life. He acquires a sixth degree when he is visited by Moses and Elias; he is “transfigured” and shines in front of some of his disciples in Mount Tabor. Finally, the Lord acquires the seventh degree, when after his passion and death he is “revived of death”. This degree would be the one that differentiates the qualities of Christianity from all other superior, metaphysical religions, according to the statement made by Saint Paul, when he says “If Christ did not revive, meaningless is our faith”.

Again, due to my scientific upbringing, I was informed of the “Ontogenetic Recapitulation Law of Filogenesis” that operates in biological evolution, cultural evolution, and according to Sigmund Freud and Carl G. Jung, it operates also in the evolution of “depth psychology”.

This led me to suppose that what happened in the Lord’s life, must have had antecedents in the “preparation of his arrival”, meaning in the Old Testament. And, as a matter of fact, I could also establish another correlation.First, the patriarch Abraham, the first historical character of the Bible, is a “Pastor of Pastors”. Secondly, Joseph, who was sold by his brothers and was later made the minister of the pharaoh,when he defeats his magicians, is made “Magician of the magicians”.

Thirdly, when Moses meets the lord for the first time, he is made a Prophet. Fourthly, when Salomon asks from God and receives from him the gift of knowledge, he is obviously made wise. In my point of view, this implies a correlation with the four first levels of the scale, corresponding at the same time to the acknowledgements received by our Lord during his private life.

About the “Ontogenetic Recapitulation Law of Filogenesis” that I am freely attributing to the life of our Lord, I am justified by the statement expressed by his sanctity John Paul II when in one of his trips to Mexico City he mentioned to a group of compromised laics “Christ is the recapitulation of all creation”.

Moses and Elias, in my point of view, should be treated in a particular way. About Moses, the classification I have made about him as a prophet corresponds in my point of view to the initiation of his spiritual development process, which appears to have been taken much further later. Elias and Moses are directly related to fire, which in biblical terms is the symbol of the Holy Spirit. The fire instructs Moses in the episode of the “burning bush” and responds to the expectations of Elias in the episode of his confrontation with priests of Baal, where in favor to Elias, the Lord lights the holocaust of his offering. Such relationship types appear to suggest two successive degrees of a relationship of the believer with the Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, such difference is in a certain way circumstantial, facing the fact that in some point in their career, both become great thaumaturgies, meaning, they performed miracles, an aptitude that in the bible is related to the third person of the trinity, the Holy Spirit.

According to the Bible, Moses, as well as Elias, don’t seem to have left their bodies on earth. It is said that Moses was “snatched” leaving this event a mystery. Elias is also “snatched to heaven” in a car of fire, in the presence of Eliseo.

From this it can be hypothetically concluded, that in two different and independent times of history, Moses and Elias have taken spiritual development to Israel successfully to the fifth and sixth levels.
Being the first one a pioneer actor and the second an actor of the recapitulation of the process. In this way, both would have been “prefigurations of Christ”, concept, which to my understanding isaccepted in Catholic Theology.

This interpretation seems to be corroborated by the fact that a time after giving “the commandments” to the city, Moses ascends to the mountain and returns shining. And, also for thefact that in the transfiguration of Christ, it’s Moses and Elias who appear simultaneously to our Lord Jesus Christ and all three, shine in front of the disciples of Jesus, who were permitted to go up the mountain.

That would imply for that moment a “mystic participation” between Moses, Elias and the Lord in the manifestation of the sixth degree of spiritual consciousness.
I think that an interpretation of this kind, is not too different from the Catholic Church’s tradition and practice today, since according to Mario Escobar Moscoso, in the text of “the Seven Dwellings” by Saint Teresa del Avila, developed and written in the XVI century, a hierarchy of spiritual progression can be discovered, similar and corresponding to the seven levels described her. The Holy Spanish woman has been declared by our church a Mystic Doctor, meaning expert in the process of spiritual development. At the same time, inside of our church, there are the practices of the “Neocatecumenado”, founded by the Spanish man Kiko Arguello, whose practice I would consider also “a Spiritual Art”.

It consists of seven steps of descending to the baptismal faucet, considered a purification process; and seven steps of ascending going out from the baptismal faucet, considered like “a process of spiritual development, following our Lord Jesus Christ”.

According to Arguello, the “Neocatecumenado” recuperates practices that were transmitted to the Christian novice as part of his training and intitiation process during the two first centuries of the history of our church. Recently, because of Arguello’s petition and after a very prolonged procedure and exhaustive testing, the “Neocatecumendado” has been admitted, not as a church movement,but as an “initiation inside the church”.

Despite being up to a certain point in concordance with theology, this argument does not pretend to be Theological, since, as the reader can see it’s the result of the application to the Andean ethological material as well as to the Bible text of the usual techniques of the concomitant variation method and symbolic decodification, used in Anthropology. It can be said then, that it is, from the Religion Science point of view, simply “a documented work hypothesis”, relatively in concordance with the contemporary catholic theology.

On the other hand, and widening the meaning of my discovery, Cesar Cornejo Zavaleta, showed me the existence, inside the Sufi tradition –mystic branch of Islam- of another comparable seven levels, coded in terms of the “flight of the birds through the seven valleys”. Later research taught me that slao, according to the Sufi tradition, Mohamed, after he had written and given the Koran to the town, went up the mountain form which he descended shining. 

This implies an extraordinary similitude to what happened to Moses. Also, during his illumination, Mohamed was raised and he saw the seven heavens, during this experience he had a repetitive discussion with Moses about the obligations that were to be required of the believers of Islam.

Between both events, it was suggested that during his mystic appearance in the VI century of our times, Mohamed would have had access to the hierarchical seven and that the prophet of Islamwould have had established the sixth degree of spiritual development, due to the fact that he shined as much as to do to his diacritical dialog with Moses, which according to what we have suggested is representative of the sixth degree. In this way, the phenomenon of his body being “snatched” from this earth would also be accessible to him, as it is claimed by Islamic tradition.

In this manner, if Moses and Elias symbolized “representations of our Lord”, Mohamed would have been a recapitulation of the of the “Christian Manifestation” process of Moses and Elias and of the Lord himself, up to the sixth level. This seems reasonable since Mohamed “converts” to monotheism, due to the preaching of a Christian monk, and according to the Islamic tradition, his purposed would have been to translate the high moral message from the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ into a group of direct and particle rules, in concordance to the mentality of the Arabian town of those days.

The result inspired by such objective, is from the Islamic point of view, “The Koran”, whose composition is considered from their point fo view, the “only miracle” done by Prophet Mohamed during his life. Finally, and again inside the Sufi tradition, Jesus Christ our Lord in honored as the “identifying mark of the Perfect Saints” and Mohamed as “Identifying mark of the Perfect Prophets”.

If it is possible to agree that the members of all three monotheist religions worship the same and only metaphysical God, under slightly different names, it would be possible for a Christian to believe and publicly declare that:”Allah is the only true God and Mohamed is his Prophet”, without the lessening of his faith nor of his church’s faith, which would only mean he is honoring the prophet of another religion in his due magnitude. In fact, we already do it with Judaism considering Moses and Elias as “True Prophets”.

From the strict historical point of view, supported by the English historian Arnold J. Toynbee., Judaism is a “fossilized” social religious segment of the ciriaca civilization was frozen in its evolution process, autonomous for a space of ten centuries, as a result of the conquests by Alejandro Magno. As said by Toynbee, such civilization would have continued again, from the point from which it was detained, the preaching of Mohamed.

I had the opportunity to be in the Scandinavian countries during the time in which, in my opinion, there was a very violent and angry reaction to a production of some comic strips about Prophet Mohamed. I think that the Muslim world in the Islamic countries as well as the Islamic residents in Europe are extremely sensible to what Christians could suggest or mention about them, their culture, and especially their prophet, whether it’s positive or negative. This context of extreme susceptibility originated the recent reaction to the words of the Pope Benedict XVI during his visit to Germany.

Both Islamic reactions appear to be sharp reactions of what Samuel P. Huntington denominated “the Clash of Cultures”, which in my opinion is the closest “Geo Religious” approximation to the world that is born, after the successive obsolescing of the rationalist ideologies, communist first and capitalist after.

There are two aspects that I consider fundamental in the geo religious approximation of Mr. Huntington: First that the critical factor of the international confrontations has displaced from“Economic Politics” (“Dictatorial Socialism” vs. “Liberal Capitalism”) to “Cultural Religious” predicaments or “Civilizations”. Secondly, that in the numbering of the possible civilization actors resulting from the “Worldly Reconfiguration” , Mr. Huntington considers “5 living Civilizations”, already identified in the 40s by Mr. Toynbee, and also, considered new and independent actors: “The African sub Saharan civilization”, “The Buddhist civilization”, and “the Latin American civilization”.

Such implication seems to be corroborated in reference to “the Buddhist civilization” due to the ever increasing authority of the Dalai Lama, starting from the decade of the 60s. In reference to the “Latin American Civilization” because of the variety and wealth of spiritual phenomenon that happen here and that are described exhaustively in the works done by Father Manuel Marzal, already mentioned before and specially in his work “Enchanted Earth”, also published by the Trotta editorial company.

For a comprehensive and productive treatment of the Latin American phenomena, our church counts with the approximation of “the Encultural Theology”. I have the impression, that this theology is already being applied to the African case.

Returning to the circumstantial subject of the Islamic reactions, I believe that a public announcement like the one I have considered according to this hypothesis, I considered it possible for a Christian, it would take place in the Islamic world, in reactions to of similar intensity, but of contrary direction to the ones produced by the incident of the comic strips or by Pope Benedict XVI mentioning the speech by Emperor Byzantine of the XIV century.

What I wouldn’t dare to foretell, is what would happen inside the Catholic Church, which is a unique organization, extremely big and extremely complex: I think only someone who participates in the instances of knowledge, belonging to the great Catholic religious orders or the ecclesial hierarchy, would be capable to be in such position and capacity.

What was mentioned here could contribute to the design of political “inter-religious” relations for the future. Such politics could use as an instrument of contextualization and characterization, the already mentioned work by Mr. Huntington “The Clash of Civilizations” and as an impartial understanding of the religious content, the work by Mr. Huston Smith, titled “The Religions of the World”, which is to my understanding the best and better understood compendium of information about superior religions, that encourage contemporary living civilizations.

Father Pierre Teilhard de Chardin S.J. was able to make a skillful co pagination about creativity and evolution for the Catholic faith, expressed in a special manner in his works: “The Divine Means” and “The Human Phenomenon”. Father Manuel Marzal S.J. made an adaptation of these works to the requirements of the investigation of Anthropology of Religion, in affirming that “The revelation is the movement of God towards human kind and as a result of an object of study of Theology, while religion is the creative response of humanity to revelation, and as such, a cultural creation and object to be investigated in Anthropology.

 As part of this intellectual context, we can add that Pope John Paul II, said on a certain occasion “Culture is a gift from God to humanity”. It can be said; that Judaism, Christianity and Islam, are other cultural responses to the revelation, and also the seven levels that make up part of their respective doctrines. If as it appears from this analysis, the cultural complexity of the hierarchy of the seven levels makes up a level of the psychic process needed for Christianization or “the omega point”, of the cosmos-vision of Father Teilhard de Chardin, they have as an common objective which has not fully been accomplished yet to contribute to the spiritual development of their particular human communities in the following of Christ and aiming towards Omega.

The acknowledgment of a common objective in this way, could in the long run constitute itself into an instrument of peace in the geographical civilization space occupied by the three monotheist religions; Judaism, Christianity and Islam, in which the raising Latin American civilization and its Andean counterparts are also included.

Finally, I would like to mention, that due to personal reasons that I have mentioned at the beginning of this article, Father Marzal S.J. had reservations in the “impartiality and objectivity” of my points of view. He explicitly expressed such reservations himself in the third paragraph of his article which introduces volume 4 in the “Iberia-American Encyclopedia of Religions”, between pages 31 and 32. I will mention the paragraph below:

“The second work about the return of the Inca is done by Juan Nuñez del Prado. Because of the topic, I supposed that this work could incur in messianic repetitions and I was right. Nevertheless, it contains different elements and also it’s useful to encounter the two points of view about such a discussed subject. 

Nonetheless, the perspectives are somewhat different, because while Ossio focuses on the scientific field and exposes the forms taken by Andean messianism in Peruvian history; Nuñez del Prado, in spite of the great amount of information he has and his extensive occupation in the country as a Quechua speaking native, situates himself in a different field and at times, he is more than a scientist of the Andean Culture, he seems to be a believer of Andean spirituality; in this position his personal relationship with various altomisayocs has with no doubt influenced where he has discovered a persistent hierarchy of Andean specialists and a spirituality that seems to tune with certain religious currents of the postmodern world, which explains the success of spiritual tourism in the region of Cuzco (Jenkins, 1999)”

At the same time, I am fully conscious that everything I have said up to here could simply be the result of my personal need to solve the conflict between my Christian faith and my academic reasoning, something natural for someone who migrated from Pre Conciliar Catholicism to Rationalized Atheism, to finally return to Catholicism subsequent to Vatican Concilio II.

Cuzco, October 12, 2006
Juan Victor Nuñez del Prado Béjar

Bibliography:

Manuel M. Marzal (editor). Religiones Andinas. Enciclopedia Iberoamericana de Religiones. Vol. 04. Editorial Trotta. Madrid. 2005
Huston Smith. The World’s Religions. Harper San Francisco. 1986
Elizabeth Jenkins. Initiation. Putnam. New York. N.Y. 1997
Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of World order. Simon& Schuster. New York 1996.

Monday, April 11, 2011

Scientists uncover Inca Children´s countdown to sacrifice

Craig Brierley

Hair samples from naturally preserved child mummies discovered at the world's highest archaeological site in the Andes have provided a startling insight into the lives of the children chosen for sacrifice. Researchers funded by the Wellcome Trust used DNA and stable isotope analysis to show how children as young as 6-years old were "fattened up" and taken on a pilgrimage to their death.

A team of scientists led by Dr Andrew Wilson at the University of Bradford analysed hair samples taken from the heads and from small accompanying bags of four mummies found in the Andes. These included the 15-year old "Llullaillaco Maiden" and the 7-year old "Llullaillaco Boy" whose frozen remains were found in 1999 at a shrine 25m from the summit of Mount Llullaillaco, a 6,739m volcano on the border of Argentina and Chile. The Maiden, described as a "perfect mummy" went on display for the first time last month in Salta, northwest Argentina.

Dr Wilson and colleagues studied DNA and stable light isotopes from the hair samples to offer insight into the lives of these children. Unlike samples of bone collagen and dental enamel, which give an average reading over time, hair growth allows scientists to capture a unique snapshot at different intervals over time, helping build up a picture of how the children were prepared for sacrifice over a period of months. The results are published today in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA.

"By examining hair samples from these unfortunate children, a chilling story has started to emerge of how the children were 'fattened up' for sacrifice," says Dr Wilson, a Wellcome Trust Bioarchaeology Fellow.

It is believed that sons and daughters of local rulers and local communities were chosen for sacrifice, possibly as a way for the ruling Incas to use fear to govern their people. Some girls, know as acllas, were selected from around the age of four and placed under the guardianship of priestesses; some would later be offered as wives to local nobles, others consecrated as priestesses and others offered as human sacrifices.

By analysing stable isotopes found in the hair samples, Dr Wilson and colleagues were able to see that for much of the time prior to sacrifice, the children were fed a diet of vegetables such as potato, suggesting that they came from a peasant background. Stable isotopes of carbon, nitrogen, oxygen and hydrogen from an individual's diet are deposited in their hair where they can remain unchanged over thousands of years.

However, in the twelve months prior to sacrifice, the isotopic evidence shows that the Maiden’s diet changed markedly to one that was enriched with plants such as maize, considered an "elite" food, and protein, likely to have come from charki (dried llama meat).

"Given the surprising change in their diets and the symbolic cutting of their hair, it appears that various events were staged in which the status of the children was raised" says Dr Wilson. "In effect, their countdown to sacrifice had begun some considerable time prior to death."

Changes in the isotopes in the hair sample in the final 3-4 months suggest that the children then began their pilgrimage to the mountains, likely from Cuzco, the Inca capital. Whilst scientists cannot be certain how the children died, it is believed that they were first given maize beer (chicha) and coca leaves, possibly to alleviate the symptoms of altitude sickness and also to inure them to their fate. This theory is supported by evidence of coca metabolites that the researchers found in the victims' hair, and in particularly high concentrations in the Maiden's.

"It looks to us as though the children were led up to the summit shrine in the culmination of a year-long rite, drugged and then left to succumb to exposure," says co-author Dr Timothy Taylor, also of the University of Bradford. "Although some may wish to view these grim deaths within the context of indigenous belief systems, we should not forget that the Inca were imperialists too, and the treatment of such peasant children may have served to instil fear and facilitate social control over remote mountain areas.”

Previous research has shown that Llullaillaco Boy appears to have met a particularly horrific end. His clothes were covered in vomit and diarrhoea, features indicative of a state of terror. The vomit was stained red by the hallucinogenic drug achiote, traces of which were also found in his stomach and faeces. However, his death was likely caused by suffocation, his body apparently having been crushed by his textile wrapping having been drawn so tight that his ribs were crushed and his pelvis dislocated.

Wednesday, January 26, 2011

Fun facts to know and tell about Quechua Language

by Mark Rosenfelder

I thought I'd tell you a little about the Native American language I'm learning, Quechua.
You may have heard of Quechua as the language of the Incas. You may not know, until you finish this sentence, that it's the most widely spoken Amerindian language, with over 8 million speakers. In Peru, a quarter of the population speaks Quechua, and about a third of the Quechua speakers speak no Spanish.

Quechua spoor

Here's some English words derived from Quechua: coca, condor, guano, gaucho, guanaco, Inca, jerky, lagniappe, lima [bean], llama, pampa, puma, quipu, quinine, quinoa, and vicuña.

Peruvian Spanish, of course, has literally hundreds of Quechua words, from names of animals and plants (papa 'potato', viscacha 'type of rodent', cuy 'guinea pig'-- yum, a delicacy in Peru), to cooking terms (choclo 'corncob', pachamanca 'earth oven', tocos 'horrid dish of fermented potatoes'), to items of clothing (chompa 'sweater', chullu 'knitted cap', cushma 'shirt') to terms from everyday life (china 'young woman'; calato 'naked', cachaco 'cop', chacra 'farm', caucho 'rubber', quena 'flute').

Quechua has also influenced Spanish syntax. In Iquitos, for instance, it's common for even monolingual speakers to put the verb at the end, as in Quechua, or to say things like de mi padre su casa 'of my father his house, my father's house', reflecting Quechua tayta-y-pi wasi-n.

Quechua can be heard on Andean music, which is getting easier to find in the States, either in its natural form (such groups as Rumillaqta, Markahuasi, Ayllu Sulca, Ch'uwa Yacu), or in more Westernized forms (e.g. Inti Illimani). The singer Yma Sumac has a Quechua name-- ima sumaq means 'how beautiful!'

The Quechua people

Peru is divided into three main racial strata. The criollos or whites (15% of the population) are on the top; the mestizos or mixed-blood people are in the middle (37%); the Indians (45%) are on the bottom. Peruvians can be very racist, and indio is used as an insult. (The Quechua refer to themselves as Runa, 'the people'.) Like oppressed classes worldwide, the Indians are described as lazy, criminal, and stupid.

However, there is much to admire about Quechua culture. It's a culture that places great emphasis on community and mutual help (ayni). The social system is based on reciprocity: you help your neighbors, they do something for you in return. Some Quechua communities were well enough organized that Peru's Sendero Luminoso guerrillas could make little headway among them.

The Incas also did not lay down before the Spanish quite as docilely as we are taught in school. Armed resistance continued for fifty years after the Spanish conquest, and flared up again in 1770 in the rebellion of Tupaq Amaru II, still remembered fondly by the Quechua (and by at least one American rapper).

The novels of José María Arguedas, himself bilingual in Spanish and Quechua, are powerful evocations of Quechua culture, and of the scorn the Quechua face from the rest of Peru.

A single word which tells much about the relationship of Quechua and Spanish speakers is pishtaku: in Andean folklore, a supernatural being which kills Indians and sells their fat in the cities to make sacrifices, or to be made into soap. In modern forms, this is said to be done to pay off the external debt! During the war, the pishtakus were associated with Sendero's guerrillas, or sometimes with the army-- twin sets of outsiders, coming into Quechua territory to make demands and to enact brutal crimes; only a word depicting a sort of demon predator could convey the appropriate tone of horror.

Types of Quechua

Quechua is divided into a number of dialects. The major division is into 'Central' and 'Peripheral' Quechua. These are not normally mutually intelligible. Mutual intelligibility is tricky, however (see the linguistics FAQ on 'languages vs. dialects'). Speakers of the modern Quechua dialects don't interrelate much (if they do much travelling, they know Spanish), and so don't have the habit of deciphering other dialects. Given the opportunity (for instance, at a congress of Quechua activists), the differences between the dialects can be bridged.

The Central Quechua dialects, spoken in the central Andean spine of Peru, are the most diverse among themselves; this leads some linguists to suppose that this area, and not the Inca capital Cuzco, is the ancient homeland of the Quechua peoples.

The Incas extended Quechua to (modern-day) Ecuador, Bolivia, and Chile; the language continued to expand after the Spanish conquest, due to its importance as a trade and missionary language. As a result, it's spoken today in some areas (e.g. parts of Colombia, Brazil, and Argentina) which were never part of the Inca empire.

Distinctive forms of Quechua are found in the north of Peru (Cajamarca, San Martín, Loreto) and in Ecuador, where it is known as Quichua.

The best-known form of Quechua is that spoken in Cuzco (Qosqo), in southern Peru and east to Bolivia. A closely related dialect, that of Ayacucho, is spoken just to the west of Cuzqueño.
Cuzqueños, and even students of Quechua who should know better, will tell you that Cuzco Quechua is 'purer' than other varieties. This is quite untrue; Cuzco dialect has innovated in many ways, both in phonology and in the lexicon.
Quechua has been heavily influenced by Spanish, of course. Some 30% of the lexicon, even in monolingual speakers, comes from Spanish. Different layers of Spanish can be found in the language. Early borrowings, such as riru <>

It has long been believed that Quechua and Aymara are related, but doubt has recently been cast on this hypothesis. The chief problem is that the similarity (lexical and phonological) is most pronounced between Cuzco Quechua and its neighbor Aymara; other dialects of Quechua, and Aymara's relative Jaqaru, are less obviously related. It may be that Quechua has simply borrowed massively from its neighbor (or vice versa).

Sounds of Quechua

Quechua has a three-vowel system: a, i, u. The vowels, like computer geeks, spread out to fit the space available-- an i, for instance, may be heard as [i], [I], or [e]. Bilingual Quechua speakers may approximate the five-vowel Spanish system (but they often get it wrong, producing a distinctive Quechua accent called motosidad).

Quechua words are often cited with e or o in them. This is because before or after a /q/, i sounds like [e] and u sounds like [o]. Some people prefer to write (e.g.) qumir and not qomer 'green'.
Disregarding Spanish loans, the consonants of Ayacucho Quechua are: labial alveolar palatal velar post-velar glottal
stops p t ch k
fricatives f s q h
nasals m n ñ
laterals l ll
vibrants r
semivowels w y
Stress regularly falls on the next-to-last syllable.

About the only difficult sound for English speakers is q, rather like the German ch in Bach, but pronounced farther back in the throat. The pronunciation of q varies widely by dialect; in Cuzco it's a post-velar stop (like Arabic /q/) except at the end of a syllable, where it's fricativized; in Ecuador and San Martín it becomes [k]; in Junín it's lost at the beginning of a word, and becomes a glottal stop [?] elsewhere.

ll and ñ have their (original) Spanish values. Thus llama sounds something like "lyama", not "lama" or "yama".

Cuzco dialect has two entire additional sets of stops: aspirated ph th chh kh qh and glottalized p' t' ch' k' q'. Other dialects of Quechua, including Ayacuchano, do not have these sounds, and they constitute a puzzle in Quechua linguistics. The same sounds occur in Aymara, and our best guess is that they are borrowed from Aymara.

The northern dialects distinguish between two types of s and two types of ch (the phonetic details vary by dialect). Early colonial sources show such a distinction made in Cuzco dialect as well, indicating that the distinction dates back to the earliest forms of Quechua, and has been lost in the southern dialects.

Quechua, in fact, is very nice for studying sound change, because we have written sources (from bilingual speakers) dating back five hundred years, yet its monolingual speakers have generally been illiterate. We can thus observe the process of sound changes over the centuries, without the conservativizing filters imposed by a written language.

Highlights of the grammar

(Citations are in Ayacucho Quechua.)

Agglutination

Quechua words can almost always be divided neatly into morphemes (elements with a single meaning). Quechua is thus an agglutinating language. By contrast the Indo-European languages are inflecting languages.

Compare Quechua wasikunata 'houses (acc.)' with Russian domá. Both consist of a root (wasi-, dom-) plus suffixes; but while the Quechua suffixes can be separated into units adding the ideas of plurality (-kuna) and accusativity (-ta), Russian -á cannot be so broken down: it's a unit, plural + accusative.

Likewise compare Spanish comí 'I ate' with its indivisible inflection -í conveying the first person singular subject and the tense, as against Quechua miku-rqa-ni, where -rqa expresses the past tense and -ni the subject.

Nouns

Nouns are pretty easy. There's no gender (as in Spanish or French) and no articles (i.e. 'the' and 'a'). The plural is -kuna, but it's optional if the meaning is clear.
Adjectives come before nouns: hatun wasi, 'a big house'. So does a noun used as a modifier: alqo wasi 'dog house'.

In addition to the direct object marker -ta-, there's also a topic suffix, -qa- (like Japanese wa). It indicates that the word in question is old information; it's what the sentences is about. Compare:
Alqoqa qarita kachuran.
Dog (topic) bit man: The dog bit the man; the dog, it bit a man.
Alqo qaritaqa kachuran.

Dog bit man (topic): The man was bitten by a dog; the man, he was bitten by a dog.
There are also suffixes to indicate possession: e.g. wasiy 'my house', wasiyki 'your house', wasin 'his house'.

Verbs

The verb generally comes last in a sentence. However, as objects are explicitly marked, word order is fairly free.
Quechua verbs are entirely regular. Once you know one verb, you know them all. Even kay 'to be' is regular.

That doesn't mean that they're exactly easy, however. Verbs are inflected by person--
rimay 'speak'
rimani 'I speak' rimanki 'you (singular) speak' riman 'he/she speaks' rimaniku 'we (but not you) speak' rimanchik 'we (and you) speak' rimankichik 'y'all speak' rimanku 'they speak'
Other tenses are expressed by other suffixes: rimarani 'I spoke'; rimachkani 'I am speaking', etc. None of this is really hard, but it takes getting used to, for an English speaker.

These can get pretty baroque: there's a narrative past suffix, a causative, a reflexive, a benefactive, suffixes indicating movement, repetition, and so on.
Even more unusually (at least to English ears... French speakers might find it natural) is that object pronouns are incorporated into the verb: e.g. rikuwanki 'you see me', where -wa- means 'me'.

Actually the distinction between nouns and verbs is not rigid in Quechua. The word awa, for instance, means 'weave' if you attach verbal suffixes, or 'a weaving' if you attach noun suffixes.

Pronouns

The basic pronouns are
ñoqa 'I' qam 'you (singular)' pay 'he/she' ñoqayku 'we (excl.)' ñoqanchik 'we (incl.)' qamkuna 'you (plural)' paykuna 'they'
Quechua makes do with one word, pay, for 'he' and 'she'.

'You' and 'they' are regular plurals, formed by adding the plural suffix to the singular pronouns. That's a regularity that didn't occur to the inventor of Esperanto!
Quechua distinguishes between an inclusive and exclusive we (including or excluding the hearer).

Particles

One of the most interesting features of Quechua is what we might call 'attitude particles'. For instance, -m(i) expresses personal knowledge:

Tayta Wayllaqawaqa karpintirum
Mr. Huayllacahua is a carpenter (I know it for a fact).
By contrast -s(i) expresses hearsay knowledge:
Tayta Wayllaqawaqa karpintirus
Mr. Huayllacahua is a carpenter (or so I've heard).
It would be nice to be able to see this distinction used in Usenet postings.

There are also particles expressing that an action was--
performed for someone else's benefit (-pa-)
performed for the actor's own benefit (-ku-)
futile or of little importance (-ri-)
unusual, out of the ordinary (-yku-)
important or urgent (-ru-)
lamentable (-lla-)
not the responsibility of the speaker (-sqa-)
...and so on...

As you can imagine, you can put quite a fine spin on a statement. Being able to use all these suffixes correctly is the mark of one who knows the language well.

Sources

It's a pain to find sources on Quechua in the States, and not much easier in Lima. One book that's not too hard to find is Ronald Wright's Quechua Phrasebook, from Lonely Planet. It's well done and contains such useful phrases as Q'echa onqoywan kashani 'I have the shits'.

Anatole Lyovin's An Introduction to the Languages of the World has a sketch of Quechua grammar in a little more detail than this one (and is worth reading for its other grammatical sketches as well: Tibetan, Tok Pisin, Inuit, Dyirbal, etc.).

I've also used Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino's Lingüística Quechua, Bruce Mannheim's The Language of the Inka since the European Invasion, John Lipski's Latin American Spanish,and the series of reference grammars and dictionaries published in 1976 by the Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. One of them (San Martín) has, I swear to God, the sample sentence wakayni kuruyan ukutinpi 'My cow has worms in its anus.' And you think you've got problems.

I'm also indebted to my wife Lida, a Peruvian, for giving me an inside perspective on Peruvian society, and for being understanding when I didn't like the chicken stomachs.
If you're inspired to learn Quechua, your best options, in descending order, seem to be--
go to South America and learn it there
find a native speaker here and arrange for lessons
find a university that offers Quechua courses
wait for UFOs to kidnap you and give you good self-study materials
Happy learning! Watch out for those worms!

Wednesday, January 19, 2011

Sacred Mountains

E. Bernbaum

Edwin Bernbaum is Director of the Sacred Mountains Program, The Mountain Institute, and a Research Associate at the University of California, Berkeley, United States.
Throughout the world mountains are revered as mysterious places with the power to evoke an overwhelming sense of the sacred. For people of many different cultures, that mystery and sense of the sacred imbues their existence with meaning and vitality.

Mountains may be considered sacred in several ways. First, certain hills and peaks are designated as sacred mountains by particular cultures or religious traditions and enveloped with myths, beliefs and religious practices. Second, a mountain or mountain range that may or may not be revered itself may be associated with the activities of holy persons or beings or may contain sacred sites such as temples and groves.
Third, mountains that may not be considered sacred in any traditional sense may awaken a sense of wonder and awe that sets them apart as places imbued with cultural and inspirational value for particular individuals or groups of people.

Many cultures revere mountains as high places, embodying lofty aspirations and ideals. As the highest mountain on earth, Mount Everest has assumed the status of a sacred mountain even in the modern world. Its summit symbolizes for many the highest goal one can strive to attain, whether one's pursuit be material or spiritual.

An extremely widespread theme is that of the mountain as centre - of the cosmos, the world or a local region. A number of mountains in Asia, such as Mount Kailas in Tibet, Autonomous Region, China, and Gunung Agung in Bali, Indonesia, provide the pattern for the mythical Mount Meru or Sumeru, which stands as a cosmic axis around which the universe is organized in Hindu and Buddhist cosmology.

Many sacred mountains are revered as places of power. In the Bible, God descends on Mount Sinai wreathed in fire and smoke, the divine presence so intense that no one other than Moses could step on the mountain and live. For the ancient Greeks, Mount Olympus was the fortress of Zeus, the king of the gods who struck down his enemies with bolts of lightning.

The power of many sacred mountains derives from the presence of deities - in, on or as the mountain itself. The Kikuyu of Kenya revere the summit of Mount Kenya as the resting place in this world of Ngai or God. Native Hawaiians regard Kilauea as the body of the volcano goddess Pele and object to geothermal drilling on the mountain as a violation of her physical Parvati, which means "daughter of the mountain".

Many traditions revere sacred peaks as temples or places of worship. Tibetan Buddhists, for example, view Mount Kailas as the pagoda palace of Demchog, the One of Supreme Bliss. In the Judaeo-Christian tradition, pilgrims go to the sacred mountains of Sinai and to Moriah, the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, to worship in the places where Moses and Abraham responded to a divine call.

Numerous people, both traditional and modern, view mountains as gardens and paradises - heavens on earth. Orthodox Christian monks refer to the sacred peninsula of Mount Athos in Greece as the "Garden of the Mother of God". Many hikers and climbers go to mountains as earthly paradises where they can find relief from the dusty grind of the modern world.

A major theme links mountains to the other world as ancestors, often in connection with origin myths, and as abodes of the dead. Mount Koya (Koyasan) has one of the most impressive graveyards in Japan, located in a forest of giant cedars centred around the mausoleum of Kobo Daishi, the founder of Shingon or Esoteric Buddhism. The Maori believe themselves descended from ancestors who came to New Zealand in legendary canoes and went ashore to freeze into the mountains seen there today.

As the bodies of frozen ancestors, mountain peaks in New Zealand illustrate the widespread theme of mountains as symbols of cultural and even personal identity. Maoris, at intratribal meetings, identify themselves first by giving their tribal mountain, then their lake or river and finally the name of their chief. The Puruha of Ecuador believe themselves descended from the union of Mount Chimborazo and his wife, the nearby volcano Tungurahua.

Throughout the world people look up to mountains as sources of blessings such as water, life, fertility and healing. Hundreds of millions revere the Himalayas, the Abode of Snow, as the source of sacred rivers, such as the Ganges, on whose life-giving waters they depend for their very existence. Mountains such as the San Francisco Peaks in Arizona, United States, provide medicinal herbs and the blessings of water, health and well-being for the Navajo and Hopi peoples.

In China, mountains were regarded as such ideal places for meditation and spiritual transformation that the ancient Chinese expression for practis-ing religion meant literally "to enter the mountains".
Today many people in various parts of the world seek out mountains as places of artistic inspi-ration and spiritual renewal for the same reasons given by Guo Xi, one of China's most famous landscape painters, in the eleventh century: "The din of the dusty world and the confines of human habitations are what human nature habitually abhors; while, on the contrary, haze, mist, and the haunting spirits of the mountains are what human nature seeks".

Sacred mountains have a special value that makes them worth protecting at all costs. Beliefs and attitudes held by people who revere them can function as powerful forces helping to preserve the integrity of natural environments. Because wildlife such as vicuñas are believed to belong to the Apus, the mountain deities of the Peruvian Andes, many indigenous people in the Cusco area refrain from killing them.
The Dai people of southwestern China regard their Holy Hills as gardens of the gods and set them aside as sanctuaries of biodiversity off limits to hunting and farming.

Ideas and beliefs associated with sacred sites in mountains can also be used to help promote conservation, restore damaged environments and strengthen indigenous cultures. Indian scientists have been working with Hindu priests at the major pilgrimage shrine of Badrinath in the Indian Himalayas to encourage pilgrims to plant seedlings for reasons connected to their religious and cultural traditions.
They hold planting ceremonies that allow people to enrich their pilgrimage experience by restoring an ancient sacred forest.

Sacred mountains highlight values and ideals that profoundly influence how people view and treat each other and the world around them. In order to be sustainable over the long term, environmental policies and programmes need to take such values and ideals into account; otherwise, they will fail to enlist the local and popular support that they need to succeed.

Friday, December 5, 2008

The Inca Religion


Doctrines

The Inca worshipped the dead, ancestors, founding culture heroes, their king whom they regarded as divine, nature and its cycles. The worship of nature and its cycles suggest that for them time and space were sacred, and consequently the calendar was religious and each month had its own festival. The most important cult was directed to Inti the god sun who nourished the earth and man with his rays. The most important feast was the one dedicated to Inti, called IntipRaimi. This rich ceremony, with its splendid costumes, and gold and silver offerings and decoration, was opened by the Inca emperor, his family and the curaca. After the opening the emperor made a libation to the sun and drank chicha (a maize drink) with his family, then led a procession, followed by every one into the sun temple, where the imperial family made offerings of precious vessels or images to the god. Following this, omens were read and llamas were sacrificed. The ceremony ended with eating and drinking.
Another important cult was directed towards Pachama who was the mother of the earth. Wiracocha was also a very important god, and though some scholars may explain his importance due to the Christian influence, others emphasize his importance as a culture hero that transformed, and as a god that created, claiming that his full name was "Con Ticci Wiracocha-pachaya" which means: the ancient foundation, the Lord and Instructor of the world.
The Incas believed in the notion of polarity that was expressed by the words hanan and hurin. Hanan expressed the high, superior, right, masculine, and hurin expressed the low, inferior, left, feminine. This polarity was evident in the cult to the moon (Quilla), considered as female and the sister and wife of the sun considered a male entity.
They conceived the world as composed of three aspects. In their representation of the cosmos, for example they used the three words: UKU PACHA (the past and the interior world), KAY PACHA (the world of present and of here), HANAN PACHA (the future and the supra world). These worlds are represented as concentric circles. Each of these worlds are inhabited by spiritual beings. Once future, present and past are not conceived as a linear structure, human beings can access the three dimensions.
Another part of Inca religious life was divination. Everything, from illness, to the investigation of crimes, or the definition of what sacrifices should be made to what gods, was all done by consulting the oracles, observing in a dish the meandering of a spider, or the disposition of coca leaves, by drinking ayahuasca (an hallucinogen), or even by examining the markings on the lungs of a sacrificed llama.
They practiced daily offering and sacrifices. However, human and animal sacrifices were held only on special occasions such as the enthronement of the Inca(the king), when 200 children would be killed, or in times of crises such as famine, or epidemics. Such critical situations were actually considered, most of the time, a result of disobedience to the Taboos and would therefore call for confession of sins. By confessing they would prevent or allay private and public disasters. At the beginning these confessions were done in public, becoming secret after some time.
They believed that after death, the two souls which inhabite each person would take different ways. One would return to its place of origin - that actually depended upon the virtues of the dead, on the kind of death one had, as well as on the dead person's social and economical condition. The other soul remained in the body which was preserved intact and mummified. It is most probably this belief that led the Incas to bury personal belongings with the dead.
The Incas were a very hierarchical society, and although the Inca(the king) was the son of the sun, his religious power was divided with hullac umac (the high priest, chosen from a noble lineage) to whom the priests of all shrines were submitted. The priests made sacrifices, prayed on behalf of the believers, listened to people's confession, and where responsible for divination. They often lived in the temple that also housed the priestesses -chosen women that would remain chaste unless they were chosen as a concubine or a wife of someone of the imperial families. They were also in charge of the preparation of chicha, and the woven of the textile used in the cults.

History

Inca culture was formed from the evolution of various Andean cultures that can be traced back up to twenty thousand years ago when hunters and Neolithic agriculturists lived there. However, it was only in the second and first millennium BCE that the first developed cultures flourished- Valdivia and Chav�n. These set the foundations for the Inca empire that can be said to have achieved its potential as well as its religious system as it is known to us only by the fifteenth century, either under the Inca Tupac yupanqui, or under his predecessor Inca Pachacuti. The Inca empire expanded from Cusco, its capital and conquered a large amount of territory that was inhabited by other cultures. The Incas imposed on the cultures conquered by them their religion and system. They built temples to the god sun and other temples modelled on the structure of the main temple in Cusco. The Incas allowed the conquered cultures to keep their own beliefs provided they accepted the Incas' religion and system, pay homage to the Inca and to the gods of the Inca. In exchange for this acceptance they would receive from the Inca their technological know how.
In the year 1532 the Inca empire was destroyed by the Spaniards, who also forbade the practice of the Inca religion, especially since their religious practices permeated all aspects of Public life. Some cults, however, those belonging to the pre- Inca tradition, survived, sometimes in a syncretic way.

Symbols

Inti was represented by a golden disc having in it a human figure. Wiracocha was associated with water and the foam of the lake Titicaca. The huacas, which were anything sacred, could be among other things a stone, or a mummy bundle.